Reflections of Fidel:



HE was born one hundred years ago in Valparaiso, in southern Chile, on June 26, 1908. His father, a middle-class lawyer and notary, was a member of Chile’s Radical Party. When I was born, Allende was already 18 years old. He was pursuing secondary studies in high school in his native city.

In his senior years, an old Italian anarchist, Juan Demarchi, introduced him to the works of Marx.

He graduated with top grades. He liked and practiced sports. He enlisted for military service voluntarily, joining the Cuirassiers of Viña del Mar Regiment. He asked to be transferred to the Lancers Regiment of Tacna, a Chilean enclave in the dry and semi-deserted north, a region later returned to Peru. He completed his service as an Army reserve officer. By then, he was already a man of socialist and Marxist ideas. He was not a weak or characterless young man. It was as though he sensed that he would one day fight to the death in defense of the convictions that were already taking shape in his mind.

He decided to study for the noble profession of medicine at the University of Chile. He organized meetings with a group of students who met regularly to read and discuss Marxist literature. He founded the Avance Group in 1929. He was elected vice president of the Federation of Chilean Students in 1930 and actively participated in the struggle against the Carlos Ibáñez dictatorship.

The Great Depression had already unleashed in the United States, following the Stock Market Crash of 1929. In Cuba, the struggle against Machado's dictatorship was underway. Mella had been murdered. Cuban workers and students faced repression. Communists, led by Martínez Villena, organized a general strike. "We need a charge to do away with scoundrels, to complete the work of revolutions (...)", Villena had written in a vibrant poem. Guiteras, a man of profound anti-imperialist sentiments, attempted to overthrow the dictatorship through an armed insurrection. Machado, who was unable to contain the nationwide upheaval, was overthrown and there ensued a revolution which the United States managed to crush, in a matter of months, with kid gloves and iron fist, securing absolute control of the island until 1959.

In a country where imperialist domination was brutally exercised over its workers, culture and natural resources, Salvador Allende remained true to his ideals in a struggle where he showed an unwavering revolutionary conduct.

In 1933, he graduated as a medical doctor. He took part in the founding of Chile's Socialist Party. By 1935, he was already a leader at the Chilean Medical Association. He was imprisoned for nearly half a year. He impelled efforts to create a Popular Front and was elected sub-secretary general of the Socialist Party in 1936.

In September 1939, he was appointed head of the Department of Health of the Popular Front government. He published a book on social medicine. He organized the first Housing Fair. In 1941, he participated in the annual meeting of the American Medical Association in the United States. In 1942, he became Secretary General of Chile's Socialist Party. In 1947, he voted in the Senate against the Permanent Defense of Democracy Law, also known as the "Cursed Law", due to its repressive nature. In 1949, he was promoted to President of Chile's Medical School.

In 1952, the Popular Front put him forth as presidential candidate. He was then 44 years old. He was not elected. He presented the Senate with a draft law for the nationalization of the copper industry. In 1954, he traveled to France, Italy, the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China.

Four years later, in 1958, he was proclaimed candidate to the presidency of the republic by the Popular Action Front, made up of the Popular Socialist Union Party, Chile's Socialist Party and the Communist Party. He lost the election to the conservative Jorge Alessandri.

In 1959, he attended the inauguration ceremony of Venezuelan President Rómulo Betancourt, who until then had been considered a leftist revolutionary figure.

That same year, he traveled to Havana and met with Che and me. In 1960, he gave his support to Chile’s coal miners, who went on strike for more than three months.

In 1961, he and Che denounced the demagogic nature of the Alliance for Progress at an OAS meeting held in Punta del Este, Uruguay.

Appointed candidate to the presidency once again, he was defeated in 1964 by Eduardo Frei Montalva, a Christian Democrat who enjoyed the full support of the dominant classes and who, according to declassified US Senate documents, received campaign money from the CIA. During his time in office, imperialism attempted to craft what came to be known as the "Revolution in Liberty", an ideological response to the Cuban revolution. What it engendered were the foundations of the fascist dictatorship. At that election, however, Allende had secured more than one million votes.

In 1966, he headed the delegation that attended the Tri-Continental Conference of Havana. He visited the Soviet Union for the 50th Anniversary of the October Revolution. The following year, in 1968, he visited the Democratic Republic of Korea and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, where he had the pleasure of meeting and conversing with that country’s extraordinary leader, Ho Chi Min. His itinerary included Cambodia and Laos, at a time when revolutionary sentiments were at their most effervescent.

Following Che’s death, he personally accompanied three Cuban members of the Bolivia guerrilla to Tahiti, men who had survived the Heroic Guerrilla and were already in Chilean territory.

The Popular Unity Party, --a political coalition made up of communists, socialists, radicals, the MAPU, PADENA and Independent Popular Action parties-- proclaimed him its candidate on January 22, 1970. On September 4 of that year, he won the elections.

Allende is a truly classical example of the peaceful struggle for the establishment of socialism.

The US administration, headed by Richard Nixon, went immediately into action following this electoral triumph. The Chilean Army’s Commander in Chief, General René Schneider, was the victim of an assassination plot on October 22 and died three days later. He had not kowtow to the imperialist demand that he lead a coup d’état. The attempt to keep the Popular Unity Party out of office had failed.

Allende legally took office on November 3, 1970 in a wholly dignified manner. From office, he began his heroic battle for change, and against fascism. He was already 62 years old. I had the honor of having fought next to him against imperialism for 14 years, from the time of the triumph of the Cuban revolution.

At the municipal elections of March 1971, the Popular Unity Party secured an absolute majority of votes (50.86 percent). On July 11, President Allende promulgated the Copper Nationalization Law, an idea he had presented before the Senate 19 years before. It was unanimously passed by Congress. No-one dared oppose it.

In 1972, before the UN General Assembly, Allende denounced the international aggression of which his country was victim. He received a standing ovation which lasted several minutes. That same year, he visited the Soviet Union, Mexico, Colombia and Cuba.

In 1973, at the March parliamentary elections, the Popular Unity Party obtained 45 percent of the vote and expanded its parliamentary representation.

The measures impelled by the Yankees in the two Houses to have the president dismissed met with failure. Imperialism and the Right intensified their all-out war against the Popular Unity government and unleashed acts of terrorism around the country.

I wrote Allende six confidential letters —I handwrote them in small print using a fine-point pen—between 1971 and 1973. In them, I took up issues of interest with the utmost discretion.

In May 21, I wrote him:

“(…) We’re amazed at your extraordinary efforts and the limitless energies you've poured into maintaining and consolidating your victory.

“Here, we can appreciate that the people are gaining ground, in spite of the difficult and complex mission they shoulder.

“The April 4 elections were a splendid and encouraging victory.

“Your courage and resolve, your mental and physical energy and ability to carry the revolutionary process forward, have been of the essence.

"Great and different challenges are surely in store for you, and you must face these in conditions which are not precisely ideal, but a just policy, with the support of the people and applied with determination, cannot be defeated (...)"

On September 11, 1971, I wrote:

“The carrier will travel to discuss the details of the visit with you.

“Initially, considering that a direct flight in a Cubana airliner is possible, we deemed it convenient to travel to Arica and to begin the tour at the north. Two things then come up: the interest you and Velazco Alvarado have expressed in a potential contact during my trip there; the possibility of using a Soviet IL-62 plane with greater capacity. If we opted for this, this would allow us to travel directly to Santiago by air.

“I am including an itinerary for the tour and activities. You may add, remove or introduce whatever modifications you deem appropriate.

“I have focused exclusively on what might prove of political interest and have not concerned myself much about the pace or intensity of the work, but we await your opinions and considerations on absolutely everything.

“We were very pleased with the extraordinary success you had in your trip to Ecuador, Colombia and Peru. When will we, in Cuba, have the opportunity to share in the heartfelt emotion and the warmth with which Ecuadorians, Colombians and Peruvians welcomed you?"

During that trip, whose itinerary I had conveyed to President Allende, my life was miraculously spared. I walked dozens of miles before an immense crowd, standing by the side of the road. The Central Intelligence Agency had organized three actions to ensure my assassination during the trip. At an interview for the press which had been previously coordinated, Cuban mercenaries, who had entered Chile with Venezuelan passports had a camera, supplied by a Venezuelan television broadcaster, equipped with automatic weapons. Ultimately, they were not brave enough, they who had only to pull the trigger at any point during the lengthy interview, while the cameras were on me. They did not want to risk death. What's more, they had chased me down all around Chile, where they had not been able to have me as close and vulnerable as at that moment. I was to learn of the details of the cowardly action only years later. US Special Services had gone further than what we had imagined.

On February 4, 1972, I wrote Salvador:

“The greatest care was put into receiving the military delegation here. The Revolutionary Armed Forces devoted practically all of their time during those days to look after it. The gatherings were cordial and fraternal. The program was intense and varied. My impression is that the trip has been positive and useful, that it is possible and convenient to continue organizing such exchanges.

“I spoke with Ariel about the idea of your trip. I can understand perfectly well that the intense work ahead of you and the tone of the political struggle in recent weeks have not allowed you to schedule the trip for the approximate date we mentioned on that occasion. It is clear we had not taken these eventualities into account. That day, on the eve of my return to Cuba, when we dined in your house in the early morning hours, having little time and in the haste of the moment, it was reassuring for me to think that we would again meet in Cuba, where we would have the opportunity to converse at length. Nevertheless, I still harbor the hope that you can consider scheduling your visit for some time before May. I mention this month because, mid-May, at the latest, I must make a trip, which can no longer be postponed, to Algiers, Guinea, Bulgaria, other countries and the Soviet Union. This long tour will demand considerable time.

“I am immensely thankful for your impressions on the situation there. Here, more familiarized with, interested in and very much moved by the process Chile is experiencing each day, we are following the news that reach us very attentively. Today, we can better understand the affection and passion that the Cuban revolution must have inspired in others at the beginning. You could say we are re-living our own experience, from the outside.

“In your letter, I can appreciate the magnificent state of mind, serenity and courage with which you are determined to confront the challenges ahead. And that is of the essence in any revolutionary process, particularly one undertaken in the highly complex and difficult conditions of a country like Chile. I took away with me a very strong impression of the moral, cultural and human virtues of the Chilean people and of its notable patriotic and revolutionary sentiment. You have the singular privilege of being its guide at this decisive point in the history of Chile and America, the culmination of an entire life devoted to the struggle, as you said at the stadium, devoted to the cause of the revolution and socialism. There are no obstacles that cannot be surmounted. Someone once said that, in a revolution, one moves forward 'with audacity, audacity and more audacity’. I am convinced of the profound truth of that axiom."

I wrote President Allende again on September 6, 1972:

“I sent you a message on different matters with Beatriz. After she left and, in response to the news that reached us all last week, we decided to send comrade Osmany to reiterate our willingness to help in any way, and so that you can convey to us, through him, your impression of the situation and your ideas about the scheduled trip to this and other countries. The pretext for Osmany's trip will be the inspection of the Cuban embassy, but this will not be publicly announced. We want his stay there to be as brief and discrete as possible.

“Work is already underway with respect to the points you made through Beatriz (...)

“Though we are conscious of the current difficulties faced by Chile’s revolutionary process, we are confident you will find the way to overcome these.

“You can rely on our full cooperation. A fraternal and revolutionary salute from all of us goes out to you."

On June 30, 1973, we sent President Salvador Allende and the Popular Unity parties an official invitation to participate at the ceremonies organized to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the attack on the Moncada Garrison.

In another letter, I wrote him:

“Salvador:

“The above is the official, formal invitation to the ceremonies in commemoration of the 20th anniversary. It would be formidable if you could hop over to Cuba on that date. You can imagine what this would mean in terms of joy, satisfaction and honor for Cubans. I know that this depends, more than anything, on your work and the situation there. We leave it, then, to your consideration.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Salvador Allende : Son exemple vit dessus
Automatically translated into French thanks to WorldLingo
Réflexions de Fidel :



IL a été soutenu il y a cent ans en Valparaiso, au Chili méridional, le 26 juin 1908. Son père, un avocat de classe moyenne et le notaire, étaient un membre de la partie radicale du Chili. Quand je suis né, Allende était déjà 18 années. Il poursuivait des études secondaires dans le lycée dans sa ville indigène.

En ses années aînées, un vieil anarchiste italien, Juan Demarchi, l'a présenté aux travaux de Marx.

Il a reçu un diplôme avec les catégories supérieures. Il a aimé et a pratiqué des sports. Il a enrôlé pour le service militaire volontairement, joignant le Cuirassiers de Viña del Mar Regiment. Il a demandé à être transféré au régiment de Lancers de Tacna, une enclave chilienne dans le nord sec et semi-finale-abandonné, une région plus tard retournée au Pérou. Il a accompli son service en tant que dirigeant de réservation d'armée. D'ici là, il était déjà un homme des idées socialistes et marxistes. Il n'était pas jeune un homme faible ou sans caractère. Il était comme s'il a senti qu'il combat jour à la mort à la défense des convictions qui prenaient déjà la forme dans son esprit.

Il a décidé d'étudier pour la profession noble de la médecine à l'université du Chili. Il a organisé des réunions avec un groupe d'étudiants qui se sont réunis régulièrement pour lire et discuter la littérature marxiste. Il a fondé le groupe d'Avance en 1929. Il a été élu vice-président de la fédération des étudiants chiliens en 1930 et activement participé à la lutte contre la dictature de Carlos Ibáñez.

La grande dépression avait déjà lâché aux Etats-Unis, suivant l'accident de marché boursier de 1929. Au Cuba, la lutte contre la dictature de Machado était en cours. Mella avait été assassiné. Les ouvriers et les étudiants cubains ont fait face à la répression. Les communistes, menés par Martínez Villena, ont organisé une grève. « Nous avons besoin d'une charge pour éliminer des canailles, pour terminer les travaux des révolutions (...) », Villena avions écrit dans une poésie vibrante. Guiteras, un homme des sentiments profonds d'anti-impérialiste, essayé pour renverser la dictature par une insurrection armée. Machado, qui ne pouvait pas contenir le bouleversement dans tout le pays, a été renversé et là s'est ensuivi une révolution que les Etats-Unis sont parvenus à écraser, dans une question des mois, avec les gants d'enfant et le poing de fer, fixant la commande absolue de l'île jusqu'en 1959.

Dans un pays où la domination impérialiste a été brutalement exercée au-dessus de ses ouvriers, culture et ressources naturelles, le salvador Allende est resté vrai à ses idéaux dans une lutte où il a montré une conduite révolutionnaire constante.

En 1933, il a reçu un diplôme en tant que docteur médical. Il a participé à la fondation du parti socialiste du Chili. D'ici 1935, il était déjà un chef à l'association médicale chilienne. Il a été emprisonné pour presque la moitié par année. Il a poussé des efforts de créer un avant populaire et a été élu le secondaire-secrétaire - général du parti socialiste en 1936.

En septembre 1939, il a été nommé chef du département de la santé du gouvernement avant populaire. Il a édité un livre sur la médecine sociale. Il a organisé la première foire de logement. En 1941, il a participé à la réunion annuelle de l'association médicale américaine aux Etats-Unis. En 1942, il est devenu sécrétaire général du parti socialiste du Chili. En 1947, il a voté dans le sénat contre la défense permanente de la loi de démocratie, également connue sous le nom de « loi maudite », due à sa nature répressive. En 1949, il a été promu au président de l'école médicale du Chili.

En 1952, l'avant populaire l'a mis en avant en tant que candidat présidentiel. Il était alors 44 années. Il n'a pas été élu. Il a présenté le sénat avec un projet de loi pour la nationalisation de l'industrie de cuivre. En 1954, il a voyagé en France, en Italie, l'Union Soviétique et en République populaire de Chine.

Quatre ans après, en 1958, il était candidat proclamé à la présidence de la république par l'avant populaire d'action, composés du parti socialiste populaire des syndicats, du parti socialiste du Chili et du parti communiste. Il a perdu l'élection au Jorge conservateur Alessandri.

En 1959, il a assisté à la cérémonie d'inauguration du Président vénézuélien Rómulo Betancourt, qui jusque-là avait été considérée une figure révolutionnaire de gauche.

Que la même année, il a voyagé à La Havane et a rencontré Che et moi. En 1960, il a donné son appui aux mineurs du Chili, qui ont fait la grève pendant plus de trois mois.

En 1961, lui et Che ont dénoncé la nature démagogique de l'alliance pour le progrès lors d'une réunion d'OAS tenue en Punta del Este, Uruguay.

Candidat désigné à la présidence de nouveau, il a été défait en 1964 par Eduardo Frei Montalva, un démocrate chrétien qui a eu l'appui total des classes dominantes et qui, selon le sénat déclassé des USA documente, argent reçu de campagne de la CIA. Pendant son temps dans le bureau, l'impérialisme a essayé d'ouvrer ce qui est venu pour être connu comme « révolution dans la liberté », une réponse idéologique à la révolution cubaine. Ce qu'il a engendré étaient les bases de la dictature fasciste. À cette élection, cependant, Allende avait fixé plus d'un million de voix.

En 1966, il dirige la délégation qui a suivi la conférence Tri-Continentale de La Havane. Il a visité l'Union Soviétique pour le cinquantième anniversaire de la révolution d'octobre. L'année suivante, en 1968, il a visité la République de la Corée démocratique et la République démocratique du Vietnam, où il a eu le plaisir de la réunion et de la conversation avec le chef extraordinaire de ce pays, le Chi mn de Ho. Son itinéraire a inclus le Cambodge et les Laotiens, à un moment où les sentiments révolutionnaires étaient à leur plus effervescent.

Après la mort de Che, il a personnellement accompagné trois membres cubains du guérillero de la Bolivie au Tahiti, les hommes qui avaient survécu le guérillero héroïque et étaient déjà dans le territoire chilien.

La partie populaire d'unité, --une coalition politique a composé des communistes, des socialistes, des radicaux, du MAPU, du PADENA et des parties populaires indépendantes d'action-- proclamé le son candidat le 22 janvier 1970. Le 4 septembre de cette année, il a gagné les élections.

Allende est un exemple véritablement classique de la lutte paisible pour l'établissement du socialisme.

L'administration des USA, dirigée par Richard Nixon, est entrée immédiatement dans l'action suivant ce triomphe électoral. Le commandant de l'armée chilienne dans le chef, le Général René Schneider, était la victime d'une parcelle de terrain d'assassinat le 22 octobre et mort trois jours plus tard. Il n'a pas eu la prosternation à la demande impérialiste qu'il mènent un coup d'état. La tentative de garder la partie populaire d'unité hors du bureau avait échoué.

Allende a légalement pris le bureau le 3 novembre 1970 d'une façon complètement finie. Du bureau, il a commencé sa bataille héroïque pour le changement, et contre le fascisme. Il était déjà 62 années. J'ai eu l'honneur de avoir lutté à côté de lui contre l'impérialisme pendant 14 années, dès le triomphe de la révolution cubaine.

Aux élections municipales du mars 1971, la partie populaire d'unité a fixé une majorité absolue de voix (50.86 pour cent). Le 11 juillet, le Président Allende a promulgué la loi de cuivre de nationalisation, une idée qu'il s'était présentée avant le sénat 19 ans avant. Il a été unanimement passé par Congress. Personne osé s'opposent à lui.

En 1972, devant l'Assemblée générale de l'ONU, Allende a dénoncé l'agression internationale dont son pays était victime. Il a reçu une ovation debout qui a duré plusieurs minutes. Que la même année, il a visité l'Union Soviétique, le Mexique, la Colombie et le Cuba.

En 1973, aux élections parlementaires de mars, la partie populaire d'unité a obtenu 45 pour cent de la voix et a augmenté sa représentation parlementaire.

Les mesures poussées par Yankees dans les deux Chambres pour avoir le président ont écarté rencontré l'échec. L'impérialisme et la droite ont intensifié leur guerre globale contre le gouvernement populaire d'unité et ont lâché des actes de terrorisme dans le pays.

J'ai écrit à Allende six lettres confidentielles - handwrote d'I elles dans la petite copie en utilisant un fin-point stylo-entre 1971 et 1973. Dans eux, j'ai pris des questions d'intérêt avec la plus grande discrétion.

Dans le 21 mai, je l'ai écrit :

« (…) Nous sommes stupéfiés à vos efforts extraordinaires et aux énergies sans limites que vous avez versées dans maintenir et consolider votre victoire.

« Ici, nous pouvons apprécier que le peuple gagne du terrain, malgré la mission difficile et complexe qu'ils épaulent.

« Les élections du 4 avril étaient une victoire splendide et encourageante.

« Votre courage et résolution, votre énergie et capacité mentales et physiques de porter le vers l'avant de processus révolutionnaire, ont été de l'essence.

Les « grands et différents défis sont sûrement dedans magasin pour toi, et vous devez faire face à ces derniers en conditions qui ne sont pas avec précision idéales, mais une politique juste, avec l'appui du peuple et appliqué dans la détermination, ne peut pas être défaite (...) »

le 11 septembre 1971, j'a écrit :

« Le porteur voyagera pour discuter les détails de la visite avec toi.

« Au commencement, considérant qu'un vol direct dans une avion de ligne de Cubana est possible, nous l'avons considéré commode pour voyager à Arica et pour commencer l'excursion au nord. Deux choses alors sont soulevées : l'intérêt toi et Velazco Alvarado avez exprimé en contact potentiel pendant mon voyage là ; la possibilité d'utiliser un avion du Soviétique IL-62 d'une plus grande capacité. Si nous options pour ceci, ceci nous permettrait de voyager directement à Santiago par avion.

« J'inclus un itinéraire pour l'excursion et les activités. Vous pouvez s'ajouter, enlever ou présenter quelque modifications vous considériez approprié.

« Je me suis concentré exclusivement sur ce qui pourrait s'avérer d'intérêt politique et ne pas s'être concerné beaucoup au sujet du pas ou de l'intensité du travail, mais nous attendons vos avis et considérations sur absolument tout.

« Nous étions très heureux avec le succès extraordinaire que vous avez eu dans votre voyage en Equateur, la Colombie et le Pérou. Quand, au Cuba, avons-nous l'occasion à partager dans l'émotion sincère et la chaleur avec lesquelles Ecuadorians, Colombiens et Péruviens vous ont accueilli ? « 

Pendant ce voyage, dont l'itinéraire que j'avais transporté au Président Allende, ma vie a été miraculeuxment épargné. J'ai marché des douzaines de milles devant une immense foule, se tenant prêt le côté de la route. L'agence d'intelligence centrale avait organisé trois actions pour assurer mon assassinat pendant le voyage. À une entrevue pour la pression qui avait été précédemment coordonnée, les mercennaires cubains, qui étaient entrés le Chili avec les passeports vénézuéliens ont eu un appareil-photo, ont fourni par un radiodiffuseur vénézuélien de télévision, équipé des armes automatiques. Finalement, ils n'étaient pas de braver assez, ils qui ont eu pour tirer seulement le déclenchement à un point quelconque pendant l'entrevue prolongée, alors que les appareils-photo étaient sur moi. Ils n'ont pas voulu risquer la mort. Ce qui est plus, elles m'avaient chassé en bas tout autour du Chili, où elles n'avaient pas pu m'avoir aussi étroitement et vulnérable qu'à ce moment. Je devais apprendre des détails des ans après lâches d'action seulement. Les services spéciaux des USA avaient disparu plus loin que ce que nous avions imaginé.

Le 4 février 1972, j'ai écrit le salvador :

« Le plus grand soin a été mis dans recevoir la délégation militaire ici. Les forces armées révolutionnaires ont consacré pratiquement tout leur heure pendant ces jours de s'occuper de lui. Les rassemblements étaient cordiaux et fraternels. Le programme était intense et divers. Mon impression est que le voyage a été positif et utile, cela qu'il est possible et commode de continuer d'organiser de tels échanges.

« J'ai parlé avec Ariel au sujet de l'idée de votre voyage. Je peux comprendre parfaitement le puits que le travail intense en avant de toi et la tonalité de la lutte politique en semaines récentes ne t'ont pas permis de programmer le voyage pour la date approximative que nous avons mentionnée à cette occasion. Il est clair que nous n'ayons pas tenu compte de ces éventualités. Ce jour, la veille de mon retour vers le Cuba, quand nous avons diné dans votre maison dans les heures tôt de matin, ayant peu d'heure et dans la rapidité du moment, il rassurait pour que je pense que nous nous réunirions encore au Cuba, où nous aurions l'occasion de converser longuement. Néanmoins, j'héberge toujours l'espoir que vous pouvez considérer programmer votre visite pendant un certain temps avant mai. Je mentionne ce mois parce que, mi-mai, au plus en retard, je dois faire un voyage, qui peut plus n'être remis à plus tard, Alger, Guinée, en Bulgarie, d'autres pays et l'Union Soviétique. Cette longue excursion exigera le temps considérable.

« Je suis immensément reconnaissant pour vos impressions sur la situation là. Ici, davantage familiarisé avec, intéressé dedans et tout d'abord déplacé par le Chili de processus éprouve chaque jour, nous suivent les nouvelles qui nous atteignent très attentivement. Aujourd'hui, nous pouvons mieux comprendre l'affection et la passion que la révolution cubaine doit avoir inspirées dans d'autres au début. Vous pourriez dire que nous re-living notre propre expérience, de l'extérieur.

« Dans votre lettre, je peux apprécier l'état magnifique d'esprit, de sérénité et de courage avec lequel vous êtes déterminé pour confronter les défis en avant. Et c'est de l'essence dans n'importe quel processus révolutionnaire, en particulier un entrepris en conditions fortement complexes et difficiles d'un pays comme le Chili. J'ai emporté avec moi une impression très forte des vertus morales, culturelles et humaines des chiliens et de son sentiment patriotique et révolutionnaire notable. Vous ont singulier privilège de étant son guide à ce décisif point dans histoire de le Chili et l'Amérique, le point culminant d'une vie entière consacrée à la lutte, en tant que toi a dit au stade, consacrée à la cause de la révolution et du socialisme. Il n'y a aucun obstacle qui ne peut pas être surmonté. Quelqu'un une fois que dit cela, en révolution, une avance 'avec la témérité, la témérité et plus de témérité'. Je suis convaincu de la vérité profonde de cet axiome. « 

J'ai écrit le Président Allende encore le 6 septembre 1972 :

« Je t'ai envoyé un message sur différents sujets avec Beatriz. Après qu'elle soit partie et, en réponse aux nouvelles qui nous ont atteints la toute la semaine dernière, nous avons décidé d'envoyer le camarade Osmany pour réitérer notre volonté d'aider de quelque façon, et de sorte que vous puissiez donner à nous, par lui, à votre impression de la situation et à vos idées au sujet du voyage programmé à ceci et à d'autres pays. Le prétexte pour le voyage d'Osmany sera l'inspection de l'ambassade cubaine, mais ceci ne sera pas publiquement annoncé. Nous voulons que son séjour là soit aussi bref et discret comme possible.

Le « travail est déjà en cours en ce qui concerne les remarques que vous avez faites par Beatriz (...)

« bien que nous soyons conscients des difficultés courantes faites face par le processus révolutionnaire du Chili, nous êtes confiant vous trouverez la manière de surmonter ces derniers.

« Vous pouvez compter sur notre pleine coopération. Un salut fraternel et révolutionnaire de tous les nous sort à toi. « 

Le 30 juin 1973, nous avons envoyé le Président Salvador Allende et les parties populaires d'unité une invitation officielle de participer aux cérémonies organisées pour commémorer le 20ème anniversaire de l'attaque sur la garnison de Moncada.

Dans une autre lettre, je l'ai écrit :

« Salvador :

« Ce qui précède est l'invitation officielle et formelle aux cérémonies dans la commémoration du 20ème anniversaire. Il serait formidable si vous pourriez sauter à cloche-pied plus d'au Cuba cette date. Vous pouvez imaginer ce que signifierait ceci en termes de joie, satisfaction et honneur pour des Cubains. Je sais que ceci dépend, davantage que n'importe quoi, sur votre travail et la situation là. Nous le laissons, puis, à votre considération.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Salvador Allende: Su ejemplo vive encendido
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
Reflexiones de Fidel:



ÉL nació hace cientos años en Valparaiso, en Chile meridional, el 26 de junio de 1908. Su padre, un abogado de la clase media y el notario, eran un miembro del partido radical de Chile. Cuando nací, Allende era ya 18 años. Él perseguía estudios secundarios en High School secundaria en su ciudad nativa.

En sus años mayores, un viejo anarquista italiano, Juan Demarchi, lo introdujo a los trabajos de Marx.

Él graduó con los grados superiores. Él tuvo gusto y practicó de deportes. Él alistó para el servicio militar voluntariamente, ensamblando el Cuirassiers de Viña del Mar Regiment. Él pidió ser transferido al regimiento de Tacna, un enclave chileno de Lancers en el norte seco y semi-abandonado, una región vuelta más adelante a Perú. Él terminó su servicio como oficial de la reserva del ejército. Para entonces, él era ya un hombre de ideas socialistas y marxistas. Él no era un hombre joven débil o characterless. Era como si él detectó que él lucha día a la muerte en defensa de las convicciones que tomaban ya forma en su mente.

Él decidía estudiar para la profesión noble de la medicina en la universidad de Chile. Él organizó reuniones con un grupo de los estudiantes que satisficieron regularmente para leer y para discutir la literatura marxista. Él fundó a grupo de Avance en 1929. Lo eligieron vice presidente de la federación de estudiantes chilenos en 1930 y fueron participado activamente en la lucha contra la dictadura de Carlos Ibáñez.

La gran depresión había destraillado ya en los Estados Unidos, siguiendo el desplome de la bolsa de 1929. En Cuba, la lucha contra la dictadura de Machado estaba en curso. Mella había sido asesinado. Los trabajadores y los estudiantes cubanos hicieron frente a la represión. Los comunistas, conducidos por Martínez Villena, organizaron una huelga general. “Necesitamos una carga eliminar a sinvergüenzas, para terminar el trabajo de revoluciones (...)”, Villena habíamos escrito en un poema vibrante. Guiteras, hombre de los sentimientos profundos del contra-imperialista, procurado para derrocar la dictadura con una insurrección armada. Derrocaron y allí sobrevino a Machado, que no podía contener la agitación a nivel nacional, una revolución que los Estados Unidos manejaron machacar, en una cuestión de meses, con los guantes del cabrito y el puño del hierro, asegurando el control absoluto de la isla hasta 1959.

En un país en donde la dominación imperialista fue ejercitada brutal sobre sus trabajadores, cultura y recursos naturales, el Salvador Allende seguía siendo verdad a sus ideales en una lucha donde él demostró una conducta revolucionaria constante.

En 1933, él graduó como doctor médico. Él participó en la fundación del partido socialista de Chile. Antes de 1935, él era ya un líder en la asociación médica chilena. Lo encarcelaron para casi la mitad del año. Él impulsó esfuerzos de crear un delantero popular y fue elegido la secundario-secretaria - general del partido socialista en 1936.

En septiembre de 1939, lo designaron jefe del departamento de la salud del gobierno delantero popular. Él publicó un libro en medicina social. Él organizó la primera feria de la cubierta. En 1941, él participó en la reunión anual de la asociación médica americana en los Estados Unidos. En 1942, él hizo secretario general del partido socialista de Chile. En 1947, él votó en el senado contra la defensa permanente de la ley de la democracia, también conocida como la “ley maldecida”, debido a su naturaleza represiva. En 1949, lo promovieron al presidente de la escuela médica de Chile.

En 1952, el frente popular lo puso adelante como candidato presidencial. Él era entonces 44 años. Lo no eligieron. Él presentó el senado con un proyecto de ley para la nacionalización de la industria de cobre. En 1954, él viajó a Francia, a Italia, a la Unión Soviética y a la República Popular de China.

Cuatro años más tarde, en 1958, él era candidato proclamado a la presidencia de la república al lado del frente popular de la acción, compuestos del partido socialista popular de la unión, del partido socialista de Chile y del partido comunista. Él perdió la elección al Jorge conservador Alessandri.

En 1959, él atendió a la ceremonia de la inauguración de presidente venezolano Rómulo Betancourt, que hasta entonces había sido considerada una figura revolucionaria izquierdista.

Que el mismo año, él viajó a La Habana y satisfizo con Che y mí. En 1960, él dio su ayuda a los mineros de carbón de Chile, que fueron en la huelga por más de tres meses.

En 1961, él y Che denunci la naturaleza demagógica de la alianza para el progreso en una reunión de OAS celebrada en Punta del Este, Uruguay.

Candidato designado a la presidencia de nuevo, a Eduardo Frei Montalva, demócrata cristiano que gozaron del apoyo total de las clases dominantes y que, según el senado declassified de los E.E.U.U. documenta, dinero recibido lo derrotó en 1964 de la campaña de la Cia. Durante su tiempo en oficina, el imperialismo procuró hacer qué a mano vino ser conocido como la “revolución en libertad”, una respuesta ideológica a la revolución cubano. Qué engendró eran las fundaciones de la dictadura fascista. En esa elección, sin embargo, Allende había asegurado más de un millón votos.

En 1966, él dirigió a delegación que assistió a la conferencia Tri-Continental de La Habana. Él visitó la Unión Soviética para el 50.o aniversario de la revolución de octubre. El año siguiente, en 1968, él visitó la república de Corea democrática y la república democrática de Vietnam, en donde él tenía el placer de la reunión y de la conversación con el líder extraordinario de ese país, el Chi Min. de Ho. Su itinerario incluyó Camboya y Laos, en un momento en que los sentimientos revolucionarios estaban en su más efervescente.

Después de la muerte de Che, él acompañó personalmente a tres miembros cubanos del guerrilla de Bolivia a Tahití, los hombres que habían sobrevivido el guerrilla heroico y estaban ya en territorio chileno.

El partido popular de la unidad, --una coalición política compuso de comunistas, de socialistas, de radicales, del MAPU, del PADENA y de partidos populares independientes de la acción-- proclamado lo su candidato el 22 de enero de 1970. El 4 de septiembre de ese año, él ganó las elecciones.

Allende es un ejemplo verdaderamente clásico de la lucha pacífica para el establecimiento del socialismo.

La administración de los E.E.U.U., dirigida por Richard Nixon, entró inmediatamente la acción que seguía este triunfo electoral. El comandante en jefe, general René Schneider del ejército chileno, era la víctima de un diagrama del asesinato el 22 de octubre y muerto tres días más adelante. Él no tenía kowtow a la demanda imperialista que él conduce un golpe de estado. La tentativa de guardar el partido popular de la unidad fuera de oficina había fallado.

Allende tomó legalmente la oficina el 3 de noviembre de 1970 de una manera enteramente dignificada. De oficina, él comenzó su batalla heroica para el cambio, y contra fascismo. Él era ya 62 años. Tenía el honor de luchar al lado de él contra el imperialismo por 14 años, desde el triunfo de la revolución cubano.

En las elecciones municipales del marzo de 1971, el partido popular de la unidad aseguró a mayoría absoluta de los votos (50.86 por ciento). El 11 de julio, presidente Allende promulgó la ley de cobre de la nacionalización, una idea que él había presentado ante el senado 19 años antes. Fue pasado unánimemente por Congress. Nadie atrevida lo opone.

En 1972, antes de la Asamblea General de la O.N.U, Allende denunci la agresión internacional de la cual su país era víctima. Él recibió una ovación derecha que duró varios minutos. Que el mismo año, él visitó la Unión Soviética, el México, la Colombia y la Cuba.

En 1973, en las elecciones parlamentarias de marcha, el partido popular de la unidad obtuvo 45 por ciento del voto y amplió su representación parlamentaria.

Las medidas impulsadas por el Yankees en las dos casas para tener el presidente despidieron satisfecho con falta. El imperialismo y la derecha intensificaron su guerra total contra el gobierno popular de la unidad y destraillaron actos del terrorismo alrededor del país.

Escribí a Allende seis letras confidenciales - handwrote de I ellas en la impresión pequeña usando un fino-punto pluma-entre 1971 y 1973. En ellos, tomé aplicaciones el interés con la discreción extrema.

En el 21 de mayo, lo escribí:

“(…) Nos sorprenden en sus esfuerzos extraordinarios y las energías ilimitadas que usted ha vertido en mantener y la consolidación de su victoria.

“Aquí, podemos apreciar que esté ganando terreno la gente, a pesar de la misión difícil y compleja que llevan a hombros.

“Las elecciones del 4 de abril eran una victoria espléndida y que animaba.

“Su valor y resolución, su energía y la capacidad mentales y físicas de llevar el delantero de proceso revolucionario, han estado de la esencia.

“Grandes y diversos desafíos son seguramente adentro almacén para usted, y usted debe hacer frente a éstos en las condiciones que no son exacto ideales, pero una política justa, con la ayuda de la gente y aplicada con la determinación, no se puede derrotar (...)”

el 11 de septiembre de 1971, yo escribió:

“El portador viajará para discutir los detalles de la visita con usted.

“Inicialmente, considerando que un vuelo directo en un avión de pasajeros de Cubana es posible, juzgábamos conveniente viajar a Arica y comenzar el viaje en el norte. Dos cosas entonces suben: el interés usted y Velazco Alvarado han expresado en un contacto potencial durante mi viaje allí; la posibilidad de usar un plano del soviet IL-62 con mayor capacidad. Si optáramos por esto, esto permitiría que viajáramos directamente a Santiago por el aire.

“Estoy incluyendo un itinerario para el viaje y las actividades. Usted puede agregar, quitar o introducir cualesquiera modificaciones usted juzga apropiado.

“Me he centrado exclusivamente en qué pudo probar de interés político y no haberse referido mucho sobre el paso o la intensidad del trabajo, pero aguardamos sus opiniones y consideraciones en absolutamente todo.

“Estábamos muy contentos con el éxito extraordinario que usted tenía en su viaje a Ecuador, Colombia y Perú. ¿Cuándo, en Cuba, tenemos la oportunidad que compartir en la emoción sentida y el calor con los cuales Ecuadorians, los Colombians y los Peruvians le dieron la bienvenida? “

Durante ese viaje, que itinerario que había transportado a presidente Allende, mi vida fue ahorrado milagrosamente. Caminé las docenas de millas ante una muchedumbre inmensa, haciendo una pausa el lado del camino. La agencia de inteligencia central había organizado tres acciones para asegurar mi asesinato durante el viaje. En una entrevista para la prensa que había sido coordinada previamente, los mercenarios cubanos, que habían entrado Chile con los pasaportes venezolanos tenían una cámara fotográfica, proveyeron por un locutor venezolano de la televisión, equipado de las armas automáticas. En última instancia, no eran bastante valientes, ellos que tenían tirar solamente del disparador en cualquier momento durante la entrevista muy larga, mientras que las cámaras fotográficas estaban en mí. No desearon arriesgar muerte. Cuál es más, él me había perseguido abajo todo alrededor de Chile, donde no había estado capaz de tenerme tan cerca y vulnerable como en ese momento. Debía aprender de los detalles de los años cobardes de la acción solamente más adelante. Los servicios especiales de los E.E.U.U. habían ido más lejos que qué habíamos imaginado.

El 4 de febrero de 1972, escribí el Salvador:

“El cuidado más grande fue puesto en la recepción de la delegación militar aquí. Las fuerzas armadas revolucionarias dedicaron prácticamente toda su hora durante esos días de ocuparse de él. Las reuniones eran cordiales y fraternales. El programa era intenso y variado. Mi impresión es que el viaje ha sido positivo y útil, eso que es posible y conveniente continuar organizando tales intercambios.

“Hablé con Ariel sobre la idea de su viaje. Puedo entender perfectamente el pozo que el trabajo intenso delante de usted y el tono de la lucha política en semanas recientes no han permitido que usted programar el viaje para la fecha aproximada que mencionamos en esa ocasión. Está claro que no habíamos tomado estas eventualidades en consideración. Ese día, en la víspera de mi vuelta a Cuba, cuando cenamos en su casa sobre las horas tempranas de la mañana, teniendo poca hora y en la rapidez del momento, tranquilizaba para que piense que satisfaríamos otra vez en Cuba, en donde tendríamos la oportunidad de conversar largamente. Sin embargo, todavía abrigo la esperanza que usted puede considerar el programar de su visita por una cierta hora antes de mayo. Menciono este mes porque, mediados de mayo, en más último, debo hacer un viaje, que puede ser pospuesto no más, a Argel, Guinea, a Bulgaria, a otros países y a la Unión Soviética. Este viaje largo exigirá tiempo considerable.

“Soy inmenso agradecido para sus impresiones en la situación allí. Aquí, familiarizado más con, interesado adentro y mucho movido por el Chile de proceso está experimentando cada día, nosotros están siguiendo las noticias que nos alcanzan muy atento. Hoy, podemos entender mejor el afecto y la pasión que la revolución cubano debe haber inspirado en otros al principio. Usted podría decir que estamos volviendo a vivir nuestra propia experiencia, del exterior.

“En su letra, puedo apreciar el estado magnífico de la mente, de la serenidad y del valor con el cual le determinan para enfrentar los desafíos a continuación. Y eso está de la esencia en cualquier proceso revolucionario, particularmente uno emprendido en las condiciones altamente complejas y difíciles de un país como Chile. Quité con mí una impresión muy fuerte de las virtudes morales, culturales y humanas de la gente chilena y de su sentimiento patriótico y revolucionario notable. Ustedes tienen singular privilegio de siendo su guía en este decisivo punto en historia de Chile y América, la culminación de una vida entera dedicada a la lucha, como usted dijo en el estadio, dedicada a la causa de la revolución y del socialismo. No hay obstáculos que no pueden ser superados. Alguien una vez que sea dicho eso, en una revolución, una se mueve adelante 'con audacity, audacity y más audacity'. Me convencen de la verdad profunda de ese axioma. “

Escribí a presidente Allende otra vez el 6 de septiembre de 1972:

“Le envié un mensaje en diversas materias con Beatriz. Después de que ella se fuera y, en respuesta a las noticias que nos alcanzaron toda la semana pasada, decidíamos enviar a camarada Osmany para reiterar nuestra buena voluntad de ayudar de cualquier manera, y de modo que usted pueda transportar a nosotros, a través de él, a su impresión de la situación y a sus ideas sobre el viaje programar a esto y a otros países. El pretexto para el viaje de Osmany será la inspección de la embajada cubano, pero esto no será anunciada público. Quisiéramos que su estancia allí fuera tan breve y discreta como sea posible.

El “trabajo está ya en curso con respecto a los puntos que usted hizo a través de Beatriz (...)

“aunque somos conscientes de las dificultades actuales hechas frente por el proceso revolucionario de Chile, nosotros es confidente usted encontrará la manera de superar éstos.

“Usted puede confiar en nuestra cooperación completa. Un saludo fraternal y revolucionario todos nosotros sale a usted. “

El 30 de junio de 1973, enviamos a presidente Salvador Allende y los partidos populares de la unidad una invitación oficial de participar en las ceremonias organizadas para conmemorar el vigésimo aniversario del ataque contra la guarnición de Moncada.

En otra letra, lo escribí:

“Salvador:

“El antedicho es la invitación oficial, formal a las ceremonias en la conmemoración del vigésimo aniversario. Sería formidable si usted podría saltar encima a Cuba esa fecha. Usted puede imaginarse lo que significaría esto en términos de alegría, satisfacción y honor para los cubanos. Sé que depende esto, más que cualquier cosa, en su trabajo y la situación allí. Lo dejamos, entonces, a su consideración.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Salvador Allende: Il suo esempio vive sopra
Automatically translated into Italian thanks to WorldLingo
Riflessioni di Fidel:



È stato sopportato cento anni fa in Valparaiso, nel Cile del sud, il 26 giugno 1908. Il suo padre, un avvocato della classe media ed il notary, erano un membro del partito radicale del Cile. Quando sono stato sopportato, Allende avere già 18 anni. Stava perseguendo gli studi secondari in High School nella sua città natale.

Durante i suoi anni maggiori, un anarchico italiano anziano, Juan Demarchi, lo ha introdotto agli impianti di Marx.

Si è laureato con i gradi superiori. Ha gradito e si esercitato negli sport. Ha arruolato volontariamente per servizio militare, unendo il Cuirassiers di Viña del Mar Regiment. Ha chiesto di essere trasferito al Regiment di Tacna, una zona franca cilena di Lancers nel nord asciutto e semi-deserted, una regione più successivamente restituita nel Perù. Ha completato il suo servizio come ufficiale della riserva dell'esercito. Per allora, era già un uomo delle idee socialiste e marxisti. Non era un giovane debole o characterless. Era come se percepisse che lotta giorna alla morte in difesa delle convinzioni che già stavano definendo nella sua mente.

Ha deciso studiare per la professione nobile della medicina all'università de Cile. Ha organizzato le riunioni con un gruppo degli allievi che hanno venuto a contatto di regolarmente per leggere e discutere la letteratura marxista. Ha fondato il gruppo di Avance in 1929. È stato scelto vice presidente della federazione degli allievi cileni in 1930 ed attivamente è stato partecipato alla lotta contro il dictatorship del Carlos Ibáñez.

La depressione grande già aveva liberato negli Stati Uniti, seguenti l'arresto di mercato azionario di 1929. In Cuba, la lotta contro il dictatorship del Machado era in corso. Mella era stato assassinato. Gli operai e gli allievi Cuban hanno affrontato la repressione. I comunisti, condotti da Martínez Villena, hanno organizzato un colpo generale. “Abbiamo bisogno di una carica di eliminare gli scoundrels, per ultimare i lavori dei giri (...)„, Villena avevamo scritto in un poem vibrant. Guiteras, un uomo dei sentimenti profondi del anti-imperialist, tentato per overthrow il dictatorship con un insurrection munito. Machado, che non poteva contenere la sollevazione nazionale, overthrown e là ha seguito un giro che gli Stati Uniti sono riuscito a schiacciare, in un aspetto dei mesi, con i guanti del capretto ed il pugno del ferro, assicurante il controllo assoluto dell'isola fino al 1959.

In un paese in cui la dominazione imperialist è stata esercitata brutalmente sopra i relativi operai, coltura e risorse naturali, il Salvador Allende è rimasto allineare ai suoi ideali in una lotta dove ha mostrato un comportamento rivoluzionario costante.

In 1933, si è laureato come medico medico. Ha partecipato a fondare del partito socialista del Cile. Entro 1935, era già un capo all'associazione medica cilena. Era incarcerato per quasi la metà un di anno. Impelled gli sforzi generare un anteriore popolare ed è stato scelto secondario-segretaria - General del partito socialista in 1936.

Nel settembre 1939, è stato nominato capo del reparto di salute del governo anteriore popolare. Ha pubblicato un libro sulla medicina sociale. Ha organizzato la prima fiera dell'alloggiamento. A 1941, ha partecipato alla riunione annuale dell'associazione medica americana negli Stati Uniti. In 1942, è diventato segretario generale del partito socialista del Cile. In 1947, ha votato nel senato contro la difesa permanente di legge di democrazia, anche conosciuta come “la legge Cursed„, dovuto la relativa natura repressiva. In 1949, è stato promosso al presidente della scuola medica del Cile.

In 1952, la parte anteriore popolare lo ha messo avanti come candidato presidenziale. Avere allora 44 anni. Non è stato scelto. Ha presentato il senato con un progetto di legge per la nazionalizzazione dell'industria di rame. In 1954, ha viaggiato in Francia, in Italia, in Unione Sovietica ed in Repubblica popolare cinese.

Quattro anni più successivamente, in 1958, era candidato affermato alla presidenza della repubblica dalla parte anteriore popolare di azione, composti del partito socialista popolare del sindacato, del partito socialista del Cile e del partito comunista. Ha perso l'elezione al Jorge conservatore Alessandri.

In 1959, ha assistito alla cerimonia di inaugurazione del presidente venezuelano Rómulo Betancourt, che fino allora all'avuto a considerato una figura rivoluzionaria di sinistra.

Che lo stesso anno, ha viaggiato ad Avana ed ha incontrato Che e me. In 1960, ha dato il suo supporto ai minatori delle miniere di carbone del Cile, che sono andato sul colpo per più di tre mesi.

In 1961, lui e Che hanno denunciato la natura demagogic dell'alleanza per progresso ad una riunione di OAS tenutasi in Punta del Este, Uruguai.

Candidato nominato alla presidenza ancora una volta, è stato sconfitto in 1964 da Eduardo Frei Montalva, una carbossimetilazione cristiana che ha avuto l'appoggio totale dei codici categoria dominanti e che, secondo il senato declassified degli Stati Uniti documenta, soldi ricevuti di campagna dal CIA. Durante il suo tempo in ufficio, l'imperialismo ha tentato di mettere che cosa in forma è venuto essere conosciuto come “la rivoluzione nella libertà„, una risposta ideologica alla rivoluzione Cuban. Che cosa ha generato erano i fondamenti del dictatorship fascista. A quell'elezione, tuttavia, Allende aveva assicurato più di un milione di voti.

In 1966, dirige la delegazione che ha partecipato al congresso Tri-Continentale di Avana. Ha visitato l'Unione Sovietica per il cinquantesimo anniversario della rivoluzione di ottobre. Il seguente anno, in 1968, ha visitato la Repubblica di Corea Democratica e la Repubblica democratica di Vietnam, in cui ha avuto il piacere della riunione e di conversazione con il capo straordinario di quel paese, "chi" minuto di Ho. Il suo itinerario ha incluso la Cambogia ed il Laos, in un momento in cui i sentimenti rivoluzionari erano al loro più effervescente.

A seguito della morte del Che, ha accompagnato personalmente tre membri Cuban del guerrigliero della Bolivia in Tahiti, uomini che erano sopravvissuto il guerrigliero eroico ed erano già in territorio cileno.

Il partito popolare di unità, --una coalizione politica ha composto dei comunisti, dei socialisti, dei radicali, del MAPU, del PADENA e dei partiti popolari indipendenti di azione-- affermato lui il relativo candidato il 22 gennaio 1970. Il 4 settembre di quell'anno, ha vinto le elezioni.

Allende è un esempio vero classico della lotta pacifica per l'istituzione del socialism.

La gestione degli Stati Uniti, diretta da Richard Nixon, ha entrato immediatamente in azione che segue questo trionfo elettorale. Il comandante in capo, il General René Schneider dell'esercito cileno, era la vittima di un diagramma di assassinio il 22 ottobre e morto più successivamente tre giorni. Non ha avuto kowtow alla richiesta imperialist che conduce un colpo di stato. Mantenere il partito popolare di unità dall'ufficio aveva fallito.

Allende ha preso legalmente l'ufficio il 3 novembre 1970 in un modo interamente dignified. Dall'ufficio, ha cominciato la sua battaglia eroica per cambiamento e contro fascismo. Avere già 62 anni. Ho avuto il honor di lotta vicino lui contro l'imperialismo per 14 anni, a partire dal trionfo della rivoluzione Cuban.

Alle elezioni comunali del marzo 1971, il partito popolare di unità ha assicurato una maggioranza assoluta dei voti (50.86 per cento). L'11 luglio, il presidente Allende ha promulgato la legge di rame di nazionalizzazione, un'idea che si era presentato prima prima del senato 19 anni. È stato passato all'unanimità da Congress. Nessuno osato lo oppone.

In 1972, prima dell'assemblea generale di NU, Allende ha denunciato l'aggressione internazionale di cui il suo paese era vittima. Ha ricevuto un ovation diritto che ha durato parecchi minuti. Che lo stesso anno, ha visitato l'Unione Sovietica, il Messico, la Colombia e la Cuba.

In 1973, alle elezioni parlamentari di marzo, il partito popolare di unità ha ottenuto 45 per cento del voto ed ha espanso la relativa rappresentazione parlamentare.

Le misure impelled dal Yankees nelle due Camere per avere il presidente hanno allontanato incontrato guasto. L'imperialismo e la destra hanno intensificato la loro guerra con tutti i mezzi a disposizione contro il governo popolare di unità ed hanno liberato gli atti di terrorismo intorno al paese.

Ho scritto a Allende sei lettere confidenziali - handwrote di I loro in piccola stampa usando un fine-punto penna-fra 1971 e 1973. In loro, ho preso le emissioni di interesse con la massima discrezione.

Nel 21 maggio, lo ho scritto:

“(…) Siamo stupiti ai vostri sforzi straordinarii ed alle energie ch'illimitate vi siete versati nell'effettuare e nella consolidazione della vostra vittoria.

“Qui, possiamo apprezzare che la gente sta guadagnando terreno, nonostante la missione che difficile e complessa mettono.

“Le elezioni del 4 aprile erano una vittoria splendida e consigliante.

“Il vostra coraggio e risoluzione, la vostra energia e la capacità mentali e fisiche trasportare il di andata trattato rivoluzionario, sono stati dell'essenza.

“Le sfide grandi e differenti sono certamente dentro deposito per voi e dovete affrontare questi nelle circostanze che non sono precisamente ideali, ma una politica giusta, con il supporto della gente ed applicato con determinazione, non può essere sconfitta l'11 settembre 1971 (...)

„, io ha scritto:

“L'elemento portante viaggerà per discutere i particolari della chiamata con voi.

“Inizialmente, considerando che un volo diretto in un aereo di linea di Cubana è possibile, lo abbiamo ritenuto conveniente viaggiare a Arica e cominciare il giro al nord. Due cose allora vengono in su: l'interesse voi e Velazco Alvarado avete espresso in un contatto potenziale durante il mio viaggio là; la possibilità di per mezzo di un aereo del Soviet IL-62 con capienza più grande. Se optassimo per questo, questo permetterebbe che noi viaggiamo direttamente a Santiago da aria.

“Sto includendo un itinerario per il giro e le attività. Potete aggiungere, rimuovere o introdurre che cosa modifiche ritenete adatti.

“Ho messo a fuoco esclusivamente su che cosa potrebbe risultare di interesse politico e non interessarsi molto circa il passo o l'intensità del lavoro, ma attendiamo i vostri pareri e considerazioni su assolutamente tutto.

“Eravamo molto pleased con il successo che straordinario avete avuti nel vostro viaggio nell'Ecuador, la Colombia ed il Perù. Quando, in Cuba, abbiamo l'occasione da ripartirci nell'emozione heartfelt e nel calore con cui Ecuadorians, i Colombians ed i Peruvians li hanno accolti favorevolmente? “

Durante quel viaggio, di cui l'itinerario che avevo trasportato al presidente Allende, la mia vita è stato risparmiato miraculously. Ho camminato dozzine delle miglia prima di una folla immensa, facenti una pausa il lato della strada. L'agenzia di intelligenza centrale aveva organizzato tre azioni per accertare il mio assassinio durante il viaggio. Ad un'intervista per la pressa che precedentemente era stata coordinata, i mercenaries Cuban, che erano entrato il Cile con i passaporti venezuelani hanno avuti una macchina fotografica, hanno fornito da un distributore a spaglio venezuelano della televisione, fornito delle armi automatiche. Infine, non erano abbastanza brave, che hanno avuti tirare soltanto l'innesco ad un punto qualunque durante l'intervista lunga, mentre le macchine fotografiche erano su me. Non hanno desiderato rischiare la morte. Che cosa è più, lo avevano inseguito giù tutto l'intorno il Cile, in cui non avevano potute averlo vicino e vulnerabile quanto a quel momento. Dovevo imparare dei particolari degli anni codardi di azione soltanto più successivamente. I servizi speciali degli Stati Uniti erano andato più ulteriormente di che cosa avevamo immaginato.

Il 4 febbraio 1972, ho scritto il Salvador:

“La cura più grande è stata messa nella ricezione della delegazione militare qui. Le forze munite rivoluzionarie hanno dedicato praticamente tutto il loro tempo durante quei giorni di occuparselo. Le riunioni erano cordiali e fraterne. Il programma era intenso e vario. La mia impressione è che il viaggio è stato positivo ed utile, quello che è possibile e conveniente da continuare organizzare tali scambi.

“Ho parlato con Ariel dell'idea del vostro viaggio. Posso capire perfettamente il pozzo che il lavoro intenso davanti voi ed il tono della lotta politica nelle settimane recenti non hanno permesso che programmaste il viaggio per la data approssimativa abbiamo accennato in quell'occasione. È chiaro che non avevamo preso queste eventualità in considerazione. Quel giorno, la vigilia del mio ritorno in Cuba, quando abbiamo pranzato nella vostra casa nelle ore in anticipo di mattina, avente poco tempo e nella rapidità del momento, stava riassicurando affinchè me pensi che venissimo a contatto di ancora in Cuba, in cui avremmo l'occasione conversare lungamente. Tuttavia, ancora harbor la speranza che potete studiare la possibilità di programmare la vostra chiamata per un certo tempo prima di maggio. Accenno questo mese perché, metà-maggio, più ritardato, devo fare un viaggio, che può più non essere posposto, Algeri, Guinea, in Bulgaria, altri paesi ed in Unione Sovietica. Questo giro lungo richiederà il tempo considerevole.

“Sono immenso thankful per le vostre impressioni sulla situazione là. Qui, di più reso familiare a, interessato dentro e molto mosso dal Cile trattato sta avvertendo ogni giorno, noi stanno seguendo le notizie che li raggiungono molto attentamente. Oggi, possiamo capire più meglio l'affetto e la passione che la rivoluzione Cuban deve ispirare in altri all'inizio. Potreste dire che re-living la nostra propria esperienza, dalla parte esterna.

“Nella vostra lettera, posso apprezzare il magnifico dichiaro della mente, del serenity e del coraggio con cui siete determinati per confrontare le sfide avanti. E quello è dell'essenza in tutto il processo rivoluzionario, specialmente uno intrapreso negli stati altamente complessi e difficili di un paese come il Cile. Ho tolto con me un'impressione molto forte delle virtù morali, culturali ed umane della gente cilena e del relativo sentimento patriotic e rivoluzionario notevole. Voi hanno singolare privilegio di essendo relativo guida a questo decisivo punto in storia di il Cile e l'America, il punto di intera vita dedicata alla lotta, come voi ha detto allo stadio, dedicata alla causa della rivoluzione e del socialism. Non ci sono ostacoli che non possono essere superati. Qualcuno una volta che detto quello, in un giro, uno si muove in avanti 'con audacity, audacity e più audacity'. Sono convinto della verità profonda di quell'assioma. “

Ho scritto ancora il 6 settembre 1972 il presidente Allende:

“Gli ho trasmesso un messaggio sugli argomenti differenti con Beatriz. Dopo che vada e, in risposta alle notizie che li hanno raggiunti tutta la ultima settimana, abbiamo deciso trasmettere il camerata Osmany per ripetere la nostra compiacenza aiutare in tutto il senso ed in moda da poterli trasportare voi noi, attraverso lui, alla vostra impressione della situazione ed alle vostre idee circa il viaggio previsto questa e ad altri paesi. Il pretesto per il viaggio del Osmany sarà il controllo dell'ambasciata Cuban, ma questo non sarà annunciato pubblicamente. Desideriamo il suo soggiorno là essere breve e discreto come possibile.

“Il lavoro è già in corso riguardo ai punti ch'avete fatto attraverso Beatriz (...)

“benchè siamo coscienti delle difficoltà correnti affrontate tramite il processo rivoluzionario del Cile, noi siete sicuri voi troverete il senso sormontare questi.

“Potete contare sulla nostra cooperazione completa. Un saluto fraterno e rivoluzionario da tutti noi esce a voi. “

Il 30 giugno 1973, abbiamo trasmesso il presidente Salvador Allende ed i partiti popolari di unità un invito ufficiale partecipare alle cerimonie organizzate per commemorare il ventesimo anniversario dell'attacco al Garrison del Moncada.

In un'altra lettera, lo ho scritto:

“Salvador:

“Quanto sopra è l'invito ufficiale e convenzionale alle cerimonie nel commemoration del ventesimo anniversario. Sarebbe arduo se poteste hop sopra in Cuba in quella data. Potete immaginare che cosa questo significherebbe in termini di gioia, soddisfazione e honor per i cubani. So che questo dipende, più di qualche cosa, sul vostro lavoro e sulla situazione là. Lo affidiamo, allora, alla vostra considerazione.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Salvador Allende: Sein Beispiel lebt an
Automatically translated into German thanks to WorldLingo
Reflexionen von Fidel:



Vor ER wurde hundert Jahren in Valparaiso, in Südchile, am 26. Juni 1908 getragen. Sein Vater, ein Mittelklasserechtsanwalt und Notar, waren- ein Mitglied von Chiles radikaler Partei. Als ich geboren war, war Allende bereits 18 Jahre alt. Er übte Sekundärstudien in der High School in seiner gebürtigen Stadt aus.

In seinen älteren Jahren stellte ein alter italienischer Anarchist, Juan Demarchi, ihn zu den Arbeiten von Marx vor.

Er graduierte mit oberen Graden. Er mochte und übte Sport. Er trug für militärischen Service freiwillig ein und verband das Cuirassiers von Viña Del Mar Regiment. Er bat, auf das Lancers Regiment von Tacna, eine chilenische Enklave im trockenen und halb-verlassenen Norden, eine Region gebracht zu werden, die später nach Peru zurückgebracht wurde. Er führte seinen Service als Armereserveoffizier durch. Bis dahin war er bereits ein Mann der sozialistischen und marxistischen Ideen. Er war nicht ein schwacher oder characterless junger Mann. Es war, als wenn er abfragte, daß er eintägiger Kampf zum Tod zum Schutze von den überzeugungen wurde, die bereits Form in seinem Verstand nahmen.

Er entschied, für den vortrefflichen Beruf von Medizin an der Universität von Chile zu studieren. Er organisierte Sitzungen mit einer Gruppe Kursteilnehmern, die regelmäßig trafen, um marxistische Literatur zu lesen und zu besprechen. Er gründete die Avance Gruppe 1929. Er wurde Vizepräsidenten der Vereinigung der chilenischen Kursteilnehmer 1930 gewählt und teilgenommen aktiv am Kampf gegen die Carlos Ibáñez Diktatur.

Der große Tiefstand unleashed bereits in den Vereinigten Staaten und folgt dem Börse-Abbruch von 1929. In Kuba war der Kampf gegen Diktatur Machados unterwegs. Mella war ermordet worden. Kubanische Arbeiter und Kursteilnehmer stellten Unterdrückung gegenüber. Die Kommunisten, geführt von Martínez Villena, organisierten einen Generalstreik. „Wir benötigen eine Aufladung, Schurken zu beseitigen, um die Arbeit von Revolutionen durchzuführen (...)“, Villena hatten geschrieben in ein vibrant Gedicht. Guiteras, ein Mann der profunden Anti-imperialist Gefühle, versucht, um die Diktatur durch einen bewaffneten Aufstand zu besiegen. Machado, der nicht imstande war, die allgemein Umwälzung zu enthalten, wurde besiegt und folgte dort eine Revolution, die die Vereinigten Staaten handhabten, in einer Angelegenheit von Monaten, mit Zickleinhandschuhen und der Eisenfaust zu zerquetschen und sicherte absolute Steuerung der Insel bis 1959.

In einem Land, in dem imperialist Herrschaft brutal über seinen Arbeitern, Kultur und Naturresourcen ausgeübt wurde, blieb Salvador Allende zu seinen Idealen in einem Kampf zutreffend, in dem er eine standhafte revolutionäre Führung zeigte.

1933 graduierte er als medizinischer Doktor. Er nahm an der Gründung von Chiles sozialistischer Partei teil. Bis zum 1935 war er bereits ein Führer an der chilenischen medizinischen Verbindung. Er wurde für fast Hälfte ein Jahr eingesperrt. Er nötigte Bemühungen, ein populäres vorderes zu verursachen und wurde Vor-sekretärin - General der sozialistischen Partei 1936 gewählt.

Im September 1939 wurde er Kopf der Abteilung der Gesundheit von der populären vorderen Regierung ernannt. Er veröffentlichte ein Buch auf Sozialmedizin. Er organisierte die erste Gehäuse-Messe. 1941 nahm er an der jährlichen Sitzung der amerikanischen medizinischen Verbindung in den Vereinigten Staaten teil. 1942 wurde er Generalsekretär von Chiles sozialistischer Partei. 1947 wählte er im Senat gegen die dauerhafte Verteidigung des Demokratie-Gesetzes, alias des „verfluchten Gesetzes“, wegen seiner repressiven Natur. 1949 wurde er zum Präsidenten von Chiles medizinischer Schule gefördert.

1952 setzte die populäre Frontseite ihn weiter als Präsidentenanwärter. Er war dann 44 Jahre alt. Er wurde nicht gewählt. Er stellte den Senat mit einem Entwurfgesetz für die Verstaatlichung der kupfernen Industrie dar. 1954 reiste er in Frankreich, Italien, die Sowjetunion und die Volksrepublik China.

Vier Jahre später, 1958, war er proklamierter Anwärter zum Vorsitz der Republik durch die populäre Tätigkeit Frontseite, gebildet von der populären sozialistischen Anschluß-Partei, Chiles von der sozialistischen Partei und von der kommunistischen Partei. Er verlor die Wahl zum konservativen Jorge Alessandri.

1959 sorgte sich er die Einweihungzeremonie des venezuelanischen Präsidenten Rómulo Betancourt, die, bis dann gehabt gegolten eine linksgerichtete revolutionäre Abbildung.

Daß das gleiche Jahr, er nach Havana reiste und Che und mich traf. 1960 gab er den Kohlebergmännern seine Unterstützung Chiles, die für mehr als drei Monate streikten.

1961 kündigten er und Che die demagogic Natur des Bündnisses für Fortschritt bei einer OAS Sitzung, die in Punta Del Este, Uruguay abgehalten wurde.

Festgesetzter Anwärter zum Vorsitz noch einmal, wurde er 1964 von Eduardo Frei Montalva, ein christlicher Demokrat, der die volle Unterstützung der dominierenden Kategorien genossen und den, entsprechend deklassiertem US Senat dokumentiert, empfangenes Kampagne Geld vom CIA besiegt. Während seiner Zeit im Büro, versuchte Imperialismus, in Handarbeit zu machen was kam, als die „Revolution in der Freiheit“ bekannt, eine ideologische Antwort zur kubanischen Revolution. Was es erzeugte, waren die Grundlagen der faschistischen Diktatur. An dieser Wahl jedoch hatte Allende mehr als eine Million Stimmen gesichert.

1966 geht er die Delegation voran, das die Tri-Kontinentale Konferenz von Havana sich sorgte. Er besichtigte die Sowjetunion für den 50th Jahrestag der Oktober Revolution. Das folgende Jahr, 1968, besuchte er die demokratische Republik von Korea und die demokratische Republik von Vietnam, in dem er das Vergnügen der Sitzung und des Unterhaltens mit außerordentlichem Führer dieses Landes hatte, Ho Chi Min. Sein Reiseweg schloß Kambodscha und Laos mit ein, zu einer Zeit als revolutionäre Gefühle an ihrem schäumendsten waren.

Nach Tod Ches begleitete er persönlich drei kubanische Mitglieder des Bolivien Bandenkämpfers nach Tahiti, Männer, die der heroische Bandenkämpfer überlebt hatten und bereits in der chilenischen Gegend waren.

Die populäre Einheit-Partei, --eine politische Koalition bildete von den Kommunisten, von den Sozialisten, von den Radikalen, vom MAPU, vom PADENA und von den unabhängigen populären Tätigkeit Parteien-- ihn proklamiert sein Anwärter am 22. Januar 1970. Am 4. September von diesem Jahr, gewann er die Wahlen.

Allende ist ein wirklich klassisches Beispiel des ruhigen Kampfes für die Einrichtung von sozialismus.

Die US Leitung, vorangegangen durch Richard Nixon, stieg sofort in eine Tat ein, die diesem Wahltriumph folgt. Chilenischen der Armee Oberbefehlshaber, General René Schneider, war das Opfer eines Ermordung Plots am 22. Oktober und später gestorben drei Tage. Er hatte nicht Kotau zur imperialist Nachfrage, daß er einen Staatsstreich führt. Der Versuch, die populäre Einheit-Partei aus Büro heraus zu halten war ausgefallen.

Allende nahm erlaubterweise Amt am 3. November 1970 in einer insgesamt ausgezeichneten Weise über. Vom Büro fing er seine heroische Schlacht für änderung und gegen Faschismus an. Er war bereits 62 Jahre alt. Ich hatte die Ehre des Kämpfens nahe bei ihm gegen Imperialismus für 14 Jahre, seit dem Triumph der kubanischen Revolution.

An den städtischen Wahlen von März 1971, sicherte die populäre Einheit-Partei eine absolute Stimmenmehrheit (50.86 Prozent). Am 11. Juli verkündete Präsident Allende das kupferne Verstaatlichung-Gesetz, eine Idee, die er sich vor dem Senat 19 Jahre vorher dargestellt hatte. Es wurde einmütig von Congress geführt. Gewagtes niemand setzt es entgegen.

1972 vor UNO Generalversammlung, kündigte Allende den internationalen Angriff, von dem sein Land Opfer war. Er empfing einen stehenden Applaus, der einige Minuten dauerte. Daß das gleiche Jahr, er die Sowjetunion, das Mexiko, das Kolumbien und das Kuba besichtigte.

1973 an den März parlamentarischen Wahlen, erhielt die populäre Einheit-Partei 45 Prozent der Stimme und erweiterte seine parlamentarische Darstellung.

Die Masse, die durch das Yankees in den zwei Häusern genötigt wurden, um den Präsidenten zu haben, entließen getroffen Ausfall. Imperialismus und das Recht verstärkten ihren all-out Krieg gegen die populäre Einheitregierung und unleashed Terrorakte um das Land.

Ich schrieb Allende sechs vertrauliche Briefe - I handwrote sie im Kleingedruckten mit einem Feinpunkt Feder-zwischen 1971 und 1973. In ihnen nahm ich Ausgaben des Interesses mit der äußersten Diskretion auf.

In 21. Mai schrieb ich ihn:

„(…) Wir werden an Ihren außerordentlichen Bemühungen und an der grenzenlosen Energie überrascht, die Sie in das Beibehalten und in das Vereinigen Ihres Sieges gegossen haben.

„Hier, können wir, daß die Leute sich durchsetzen, trotz der schwierigen und komplizierten Mission schätzen, die sie schultern.

„Die 4. April Wahlen waren ein herrlicher und anregensieg.

„Ihr Mut und Beschluß, Ihre Geistes- und körperliche Energie und Fähigkeit, das revolutionäre Prozeßvorwärts zu tragen, sind vom Wesentlichen gewesen.

„Große und unterschiedliche Herausforderungen sind sicher innen Speicher für Sie, und Sie müssen diese in den Bedingungen gegenüberstellen, die nicht genau ideal sind, aber eine gerechte Politik, wenn die Unterstützung der Leute und mit Ermittlung angewendet ist, kann nicht am 11. September 1971 besiegt werden (...)

“, ich schrieb:

„Die Fördermaschine reist, um die Details des Besuchs mit Ihnen zu besprechen.

„Zuerst, betrachtend, daß ein direkter Flug in einem Cubana Verkehrsflugzeug möglich ist, meinten wir es bequem, zu Arica zu reisen und die Tour am Norden anzufangen. Zwei Sachen kommen dann oben: das Interesse haben Sie und Velazco Alvarado in einem möglichen Kontakt während meiner Reise dort ausgedrückt; die Möglichkeit des Verwendens einer Fläche des Sowjets IL-62 mit der grösseren Kapazität. Wenn wir für dieses entschieden, würde dieses uns erlauben, direkt nach Santiago auf dem Luftweg zu reisen.

„Ich schließe einen Reiseweg für die Tour und die Tätigkeiten ein. Sie können addieren, entfernen oder einführen, was änderungen Sie angebracht meinen.

„Ich habe ausschließlich konzentriert auf, was vom politischen Interesse prüfen und über den Schritt oder die Intensität der Arbeit nicht viel sich betroffen haben konnte, aber wir erwarten Ihre Meinungen und Betrachtungen auf absolut alles.

„Wir waren mit dem außerordentlichen Erfolg, den Sie in Ihrer Reise nach Ecuador hatten, Kolumbien und Peru sehr erfreut. Wann haben wir, in Kuba, die Gelegenheit, im heartfelt Gefühl und in der Wärme zu teilen, mit denen Ecuadorians, Kolumbianer und Peruaner Sie begrüßten? „

Während dieser Reise, deren Reiseweg, den ich zum Präsidenten Allende, mein Leben übermittelt hatte, wundersam erspart wurde. Ich ging die Dutzende Meilen vor einer unermeßlichen Masse und stand die Seite der Straße bereit. CIAhatte drei Tätigkeiten organisiert, um meine Ermordung während der Reise sicherzustellen. An einem Interview für die Presse, die vorher koordiniert worden war, hatten kubanische Söldner, die hereingekommen waren, Chile mit venezuelanischen Pässen eine Kamera, lieferten durch eine venezuelanische Fernsehenrundfunkstation, ausgerüstet mit automatischen Waffen. Schließlich waren sie nicht genug, sie tapfer, die, den Auslöser an irgendeinem Punkt während des langatmigen Interviews nur zu ziehen hatten, während die Kameras auf mir waren. Sie wollten nicht Tod riskieren. Was mehr ist, hatten sie mich hinunter ganz herum Chile gejagt, in dem sie nicht in der Lage gewesen waren, mich zu haben so nahe und verletzbar wie an diesem Moment. Ich sollte der Details der cowardly Tätigkeit nur erlernen Jahre später. US spezielle Dienstleistungen waren weiter als gegangen, was wir uns vorgestellt hatten.

Am 4. Februar 1972 schrieb ich Salvador:

„Die größte Obacht wurde in die militärische Delegation hier empfangen gesetzt. Die revolutionären bewaffneten Kräfte widmeten sich praktisch die ganze ihre Zeit während jener Tage, sich um es zu kümmern. Die Versammlungen waren herzlich und brüderlich. Das Programm war intensiv und mannigfaltig. Mein Eindruck ist, daß die Reise positiv und nützlich gewesen ist, das, das es möglich und bequem ist solche, Austäusche zu organisieren fortzufahren.

„Ich sprach mit Ariel über die Idee Ihrer Reise. Ich kann Brunnen tadellos verstehen, dem die intensive Arbeit vor Ihnen und der Ton des politischen Kampfes in letzter Zeit Ihnen nicht erlaubt haben, die Reise für das ungefähre Datum festzulegen, das, wir bei dieser Gelegenheit erwähnten. Es ist frei, daß wir nicht diese Möglichkeiten in Betracht gezogen hatten. Dieser Tag, auf dem Vorabend meiner Rückkehr nach Kuba, als wir in Ihrem Haus in den frühen Morgenstunden speisten, wenig Zeit habend und in der Eile des Momentes, versicherte es, damit ich denke, daß wir wieder in Kuba treffen würden, in dem wir die Gelegenheit haben würden, sich ausführlich zu unterhalten. Dennoch beherberge ich noch die Hoffnung, daß Sie Ihren Besuch, während einiger Zeit vor Mai festzulegen erwägen können. Ich erwähne diesen Monat, weil, mid-May, spätestens, ich eine Reise bilden muß, die nicht mehr hinausgeschoben werden kann, in Algiers, Guine, Bulgarien, andere Länder und die Sowjetunion. Diese lange Tour verlangt beträchtliche Zeit.

„Ich bin für Ihre Eindrücke auf der Situation dort unermeßlich dankbar. Hier mehr vertraut gemacht mit, innen interessiert und durch das Prozeßchile sehr viel bewogen erfährt jeden Tag, wir folgen den Nachrichten, die uns sehr aufmerksam erreichen. Heute können wir die Neigung und die Neigung besser verstehen, die die kubanische Revolution in anderen am Anfang angespornt haben muß. Sie konnten sagen, daß wir unsere eigene Erfahrung, von der Außenseite wieder erleben.

„In Ihrem Brief, kann ich den ausgezeichneten Geisteszustand, Serenity und Mut schätzen, mit dem Sie festgestellt werden, um die Herausforderungen voran zu konfrontieren. Und das ist vom Wesentlichen in jedem revolutionären Prozeß, einer besonders aufgenommen in in hohem Grade komplizierten und schwierigen Zuständen eines Landes wie Chile. Ich nahm mit mir einen sehr starken Eindruck der moralischen, kulturellen und menschlichen Tugenden der chilenischen Leute und seines bemerkenswerten patriotischen und revolutionären Gefühls weg. Sie haben einzigartig Privileg von seiend sein Führer an dieses entscheidend Punkt in Geschichte von Chile und Amerika, der Höhepunkt eines gesamten Lebens gewidmet dem Kampf, als Sie sagte am Stadium, gewidmet der Ursache der Revolution und des sozialismus. Es gibt keine Hindernisse, die nicht übergestiegen werden können. Jemand, sobald besagt das, in einer Revolution, man, zieht vorwärts 'mit Dreistigkeit, Dreistigkeit und mehr Dreistigkeit' um. Ich bin von der profunden Wahrheit dieses Axioms überzeugt. „

Ich schrieb Präsidenten Allende wieder am 6. September 1972:

„Ich schickte Ihnen eine Anzeige auf unterschiedlichen Angelegenheiten mit Beatriz. Nachdem sie und verließ, in Erwiderung auf die Nachrichten, die uns alle letzte Woche erreichten, entschieden wir, Kameraden Osmany zu senden, um unsere Bereitwilligkeit zu reiterieren, in jeder Hinsicht zu helfen und damit Sie zu uns, durch ihn, zu Ihrem Eindruck der Situation und zu Ihren Ideen über die zeitlich geplante Reise übermitteln können zu diesem und zu anderen Ländern. Der Vorwand für Reise Osmanys ist die Kontrolle der kubanischen Botschaft, aber dieses wird nicht öffentlich verkündet. Wir wünschen seinen Aufenthalt dort so kurz und getrennt sein, wie möglich.

„Arbeit ist bereits unterwegs in Bezug auf die Punkte, die bildeten Sie durch Beatriz (...)

„, obwohl wir der gegenwärtigen Schwierigkeiten bewußt sind, die durch Chiles revolutionären Prozeß gegenübergestellt werden, wir sind überzeugt Sie finden die Weise, diese zu überwinden.

„Sie können auf unsere volle Mitarbeit bauen. Ein brüderlicher und revolutionärer Gruß von allen uns erlischt zu Ihnen. „

Am 30. Juni 1973, sendeten wir Präsidenten Salvador Allende und die populären Einheit-Parteien eine amtliche Einladung, an den Zeremonien teilzunehmen, die organisiert wurden, um den 20. Jahrestag des Angriffs auf der Moncada Garnison zu gedenken.

In einem anderen Buchstaben schrieb ich ihn:

„Salvador:

„Das oben genannte ist die amtliche, formale Einladung zu den Zeremonien im Gedenken des 20. Jahrestages. Es würde beeindruckend sein, wenn Sie hop rüber nach Kuba auf diesem Datum konnten. Sie können dich vorstellen, was dieses in Freude, Zufriedenheit und Ehre für Kubaner ausgedrückt bedeuten würde. Ich weiß, daß dieses abhängt, mehr als alles, auf Ihrer Arbeit und der Situation dort. Wir überlassen es dann Ihre Betrachtung.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Salvador Allende: Seu exemplo vive sobre
Automatically translated into Portuguese thanks to WorldLingo
Reflexões de Fidel:



Foi carregado cem anos há em Valparaiso, no Chile do sul, junho em 26, 1908. Seu pai, um advogado do middle-class e o notary, eram um membro do partido radical do Chile. Quando eu fui carregado, Allende tinha já 18 anos velho. Perseguia estudos secundários na High School em sua cidade nativa.

Em seus anos sênior, um anarquista italiano velho, Juan Demarchi, introduziu-o aos trabalhos de Marx.

Graduou-se com classes superiores. Gostou e praticou de esportes. Alistou-se para o serviço militar voluntàriamente, juntando o Cuirassiers de Viña del Estragar Regiment. Pediu para ser transferido ao Regiment de Tacna, um enclave Chilean de Lancers no norte seco e semi-deserted, uma região retornada mais tarde a Peru. Terminou seu serviço como um oficial da reserva do exército. Por então, era já um homem de idéias socialist e Marxist. Não era um homem novo fraco ou characterless. Era como se detetou que luta dia à morte na defesa das convicções que faziam exame já da forma em sua mente.

Decidiu-se estudar para a profissão nobre da medicina na universidade do Chile. Organizou reuniões com um grupo dos estudantes que se encontraram com regularmente para ler e discutir a literatura Marxist. Fundou o grupo de Avance em 1929. Foi elegido vice-presidente do Federation de estudantes Chilean em 1930 e participado ativamente no esforço de encontro ao dictatorship de Carlos Ibáñez.

O Depression grande tinha desencadeado já nos Estados Unidos, seguindo o ruído elétrico de mercado conservado em estoque de 1929. Em Cuba, o esforço de encontro ao dictatorship de Machado estava underway. Mella tinha sido assassinado. Os trabalhadores e os estudantes Cuban enfrentaram o repression. Os comunistas, conduzidos por Martínez Villena, organizaram uma batida geral. “Nós necessitamos uma carga eliminar scoundrels, para terminar o trabalho das voltas (...)”, Villena tínhamos escrito em um poema vibrant. Guiteras, um homem de sentiments profundos do anti-imperialist, tentado overthrow o dictatorship com um insurrection armado. Machado, que era incapaz de conter o upheaval de âmbito nacional, overthrown e seguiu lá uma volta que os Estados Unidos controlassem esmagar, em uma matéria dos meses, com luvas do miúdo e punho do ferro, fixando o controle absoluto do console até 1959.

Em um país onde o domination imperialist fosse exercitado brutal sobre seus trabalhadores, cultura e recursos naturais, o Salvador Allende remanesceu verdadeiro a seus ideals em um esforço onde mostrasse uma conduta revolucionária unwavering.

Em 1933, graduou-se como um doutor médico. Fêz exame da parte em fundar do partido Socialist do Chile. Por 1935, era já um líder na associação médica Chilean. Imprisoned para quase a metade um do ano. Impelled esforços criar um dianteiro popular e foi elegido a secundário-secretária - general do partido Socialist em 1936.

Em setembro 1939, foi apontado cabeça do departamento da saúde do governo dianteiro popular. Publicou um livro na medicina social. Organizou a primeira feira da carcaça. Em 1941, participou na reunião anual da associação médica americana nos Estados Unidos. Em 1942, transformou-se secretário geral do partido Socialist do Chile. Em 1947, votou no Senate de encontro à defesa permanente da lei da democracia, sabida também como “a lei Cursed”, devido a sua natureza repressive. Em 1949, foi promovido ao presidente da escola médica do Chile.

Em 1952, a parte dianteira popular pô-lo adiante como o candidato presidencial. Tinha então 44 anos velho. Não foi elegido. Apresentou o Senate com uma lei de esboço para o nationalization da indústria de cobre. Em 1954, viajou a France, a Italy, à União Soviética e à República Popular da China.

Quatro anos mais tarde, em 1958, era candidato proclamado ao presidency da república pela parte dianteira popular da ação, compostos do partido Socialist popular da união, do partido Socialist do Chile e do partido comunista. Perdeu a eleição ao Jorge conservador Alessandri.

Em 1959, atendeu ao ceremony do inauguration do presidente Venezuelan Rómulo Betancourt, que até tido então considerado uma figura revolucionária leftist.

Que o mesmo ano, viajou a Havana e se encontrou com com Che e mim. Em 1960, deu sua sustentação aos mineiros de carvão do Chile, que foram na batida por mais de três meses.

Em 1961, e Che denounced a natureza demagogic do Alliance para o progresso em uma reunião de OAS realizada em Punta del Este, Uruguai.

Candidato apontado ao presidency uma vez outra vez, foi derrotado em 1964 por Eduardo Frei Montalva, uma democrata Christian que apreciassem a sustentação cheia das classes dominantes e que, de acordo com o Senate declassified dos E.U. documentasse, dinheiro recebido da campanha do CIA. Durante seu tempo no escritório, o imperialism tentou craft o que veio ser sabido como a “volta na liberdade”, uma resposta ideological à volta Cuban. O que engendered eram as fundações do dictatorship fascist. Nessa eleição, entretanto, Allende tinha fixado mais de um milhão votos.

Em 1966, dirige o delegation que assistiu à conferência Tri-Continental de Havana. Visitou a União Soviética para o 50th Anniversary da volta de outubro. O seguinte ano, em 1968, visitou a república de Coreia democrática e a república democrática de Vietnam, onde teve o prazer da reunião e da conversa com o líder extraordinário desse país, o Chi minuto de Ho. Seu itinerary incluiu Cambodia e Laos, numa altura em que os sentiments revolucionários estavam no seu mais effervescent.

Depois da morte de Che, acompanhou pessoalmente três membros Cuban do guerrilla de Bolívia a Tahiti, os homens que tinham sobrevivido o Guerrilla Heroic e estavam já no território Chilean.

O partido popular da unidade, --um coalition político compôs dos comunistas, dos socialists, dos radicais, do MAPU, do PADENA e de partidos populares independentes da ação-- proclamado o seu candidato janeiro em 22, 1970. Setembro em 4 desse ano, ganhou as eleições.

Allende é um exemplo verdadeiramente classical do esforço calmo para o estabelecimento do socialismo.

A administração dos E.U., dirigida por Richard Nixon, entrou imediatamente na ação que segue este triunfo electoral. O comandante no chefe, general René Schneider do exército Chilean, era a vítima de um lote do assassination outubro em 22 e morrido três dias mais tarde. Não teve o kowtow à demanda imperialist que conduz etat do coup a um d '. A tentativa de manter o partido popular da unidade fora do escritório tinha falhado.

Allende fêz exame legalmente do escritório novembro em 3, 1970 em uma maneira completamente dignified. Do escritório, começou sua batalha heroic para a mudança, e de encontro ao fascism. Tinha já 62 anos velho. Eu tive a honra da luta ao lado dele de encontro ao imperialism por 14 anos, da época do triunfo da volta Cuban.

Nas eleições municipais de março 1971, o partido popular da unidade fixou uma maioria absoluta dos votos (50.86 por cento). Julho em 11, o presidente Allende promulgou a lei de cobre do Nationalization, uma idéia que se tinha apresentado antes do Senate 19 anos antes. Foi passado unânimemente por Congress. No-one ousado opõe-no.

Em 1972, antes do general conjunto dos UN, Allende denounced o aggression internacional de que seu país era vítima. Recebeu um ovation ereto que durasse diversos minutos. Que o mesmo ano, visitou a União Soviética, o México, a Colômbia e a Cuba.

Em 1973, nas eleições parliamentary de março, o partido popular da unidade obteve 45 por cento do voto e expandiu sua respresentação parliamentary.

As medidas impelled pelo Yankees nas duas casas para ter o presidente demitiram encontrado com com falha. O Imperialism e a direita intensified sua guerra all-out de encontro ao governo popular da unidade e desencadearam atos de terrorismo em torno do país.

Eu escrevi a Allende seis letras confidential - handwrote de I elas na cópia pequena usando um fino-ponto pena-entre 1971 e 1973. Neles, eu fiz exame acima de introduções do interesse com a discreção máxima.

Maio em 21, eu escrevi-o:

“(…) Nós somos espantados em seus esforços extraordinários e nas energias que ilimitadas você derramou em manter e em consolidar sua vitória.

“Aqui, nós podemos apreciar que os povos estão ganhando terreno, apesar da missão que difícil e complexa empurram.

“As eleições abril de 4 eram uma vitória esplêndida e incentivando.

“Seu coragem e resolve, sua energia e a abilidade mentais e físicas carregar o para diante process revolucionário, foram da essência.

“Os desafios grandes e diferentes são certamente dentro loja para você, e você deve enfrentar estes nas circunstâncias que não são precisamente ideais, mas uma política justa, com a sustentação dos povos e aplicada com determinação, não pode ser derrotada (...)”

setembro em 11, 1971, mim escreveu:

“O portador viajará para discutir os detalhes da visita com você.

“Inicialmente, considerando que um vôo direto em um airliner de Cubana é possível, nós julgamos conveniente viajar a Arica e começar a excursão no norte. Duas coisas vêm então acima: o interesse você e Velazco Alvarado expressaram em um contato potencial durante meu desengate lá; a possibilidade de usar um plano do soviete IL-62 com capacidade mais grande. Se nós opted para este, este permitiria que nós viajassem diretamente a Santiago pelo ar.

“Eu estou incluindo um itinerary para a excursão e as atividades. Você pode adicionar, remover ou introduzir o que modificações você julga apropriado.

“Eu focalizei exclusivamente em o que pôde provar do interesse político e não se ter concernido myself muito sobre o ritmo ou a intensidade do trabalho, mas nós esperamos suas opiniões e considerações em absolutamente tudo.

“Nós éramos muito pleased com o sucesso que extraordinário você teve em seu desengate a Equador, a Colômbia e o Peru. Quando nós, em Cuba, temos a oportunidade para compartilhar na emoção heartfelt e no calor com que Ecuadorians, os Colombians e os Peruvians lhe deram boas-vindas? “

Durante esse desengate, cujo o itinerary que eu tinha feito saber ao presidente Allende, minha vida foi poupado miraculously. Eu andei as dúzias das milhas antes de uma multidão immense, estando pelo lado da estrada. A agência de inteligência central tinha organizado três ações para assegurar meu assassination durante o desengate. Em uma entrevista para a imprensa que tinha sido coordenada previamente, os mercenaries Cuban, que tinham entrado o Chile com passports Venezuelan tiveram uma câmera, forneceram por um radiodifusor Venezuelan da televisão, equipado com as armas automáticas. Finalmente, não eram bravos bastante, eles que tiveram para puxar somente em qualquer momento o disparador durante a entrevista longa, quando as câmeras estavam em mim. Não quiseram arriscar a morte. O que é mais, tinha-me perseguido abaixo toda ao redor o Chile, onde não tinha podido me ter tão perto e vulnerável quanto nesse momento. Eu devia aprender dos detalhes dos anos cowardly da ação somente mais tarde. Os serviços especiais dos E.U. tinham ido mais mais do que o que nós tínhamos imaginado.

Fevereiro em 4, 1972, eu escrevi o Salvador:

“O cuidado o mais grande foi posto em receber o delegation militar aqui. As forças armadas revolucionárias devotaram praticamente todo seu tempo durante aqueles dias ao olhar após ele. Os recolhimentos eram cordiais e fraternal. O programa era intenso e variado. Minha impressão é que o desengate foi positivo e útil, isso que é possível e conveniente continuar organizando tais trocas.

“Eu falei com o Ariel sobre a idéia de seu desengate. Eu posso compreender perfeitamente o poço que o trabalho intenso antes de você e o tom do esforço político em semanas recentes não permitiram que você programe o desengate para a data onde aproximada nós mencionamos nessa ocasião. Está desobstruído que nós não tínhamos feito exame destes eventualities no cliente. Esse dia, no eve de meu retorno a Cuba, quando nós jantamos em sua casa nas horas adiantadas da manhã, tendo pouca hora e no haste do momento, estava tranquilizando para que eu pense de que nós nos encontraríamos com outra vez em Cuba, onde nós teríamos a oportunidade de conversar durante um tempo considerável. Não obstante, eu abrigo ainda a esperança que você pode considerar programar sua visita por alguma hora antes de maio. Eu menciono este mês porque, mid-May, mais atrasado, eu devo fazer um desengate, que possa já não postponed, a Argel, Guinea, a Bulgária, a outros países e à União Soviética. Esta excursão longa exijirá o tempo considerável.

“Eu sou immensely thankful para suas impressões na situação lá. Aqui, familiarizado mais com, interessado dentro e muito muito movido pelo Chile process está experimentando cada dia, nós estão seguindo as notícias que nos alcançam muito attentively. Hoje, nós podemos mais melhor compreender a afeição e a paixão que a volta Cuban deve ter inspirado em outras no começo. Você poderia dizer que nós re-living nossa própria experiência, da parte externa.

“Em sua letra, eu posso apreciar o estado de mente magnífico, de serenidade e de coragem com que você é determinado confrontar os desafios adiante. E isso é da essência em todo o processo revolucionário, particularmente um empreendido nas condições altamente complexas e difíceis de um país como o Chile. Eu removi com mim uma impressão muito forte dos virtues morais, cultural e humanos dos povos Chilean e de seu sentiment patriotic e revolucionário notável. Você têm singular privilégio de sendo seu guia em este decisive ponto em história de o Chile e América, a culminação de uma vida inteira devotada ao esforço, como você disse no stadium, devotado à causa da volta e do socialismo. Não há nenhum obstáculo que não pode surmounted. Alguém uma vez que dito isso, em uma volta, uma move-se para a frente 'com audacity, audacity e mais audacity'. Eu sou convencido da verdade profunda desse axiom. “

Eu escrevi o presidente Allende outra vez setembro em 6, 1972:

“Eu emiti-lhe uma mensagem em matérias diferentes com Beatriz. Depois que saiu e, em resposta à notícia que nos alcançou toda a última semana, nós decidimo-nos emitir o camarada Osmany para reiterate nosso voluntariedade ajudar em toda a maneira, e de modo que você possa fazer saber a nós, através dele, a sua impressão da situação e a suas idéias sobre o desengate programado a esta e a outros países. O pretext para o desengate de Osmany será a inspeção do embassy Cuban, mas este não será anunciado publicamente. Nós queremos sua estada lá ser tão breve e discreta como possível.

O “trabalho é já underway com respeito aos pontos que você fêz através de Beatriz (...)

“embora nós somos conscious das dificuldades atuais enfrentadas pelo processo revolucionário do Chile, nós é confiável você encontrará a maneira superar estes.

“Você pode confiar em nossa cooperação cheia. Uma saudação fraternal e revolucionária dtodos nós sai-lhe. “

Junho em 30, 1973, nós emitimos o presidente Salvador Allende e os partidos populares da unidade um invitation oficial participar nos ceremonies organizados para comemorar o 20o anniversary do ataque no Garrison de Moncada.

Em uma outra letra, eu escrevi-o:

“Salvador:

“O acima é o invitation oficial, formal aos ceremonies no commemoration do 20o anniversary. Seria formidable se você poderia hop sobre a Cuba nessa data. Você pode imaginar o que este significaria nos termos da alegria, da satisfação e da honra para cubanos. Eu sei que este depende, mais do que qualquer coisa, em seu trabalho e na situação lá. Nós deixamo-lo, então, a sua consideração.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Salvador Allende: Hans exempelliv på
Automatically translated into Swedish thanks to WorldLingo
Reflexioner av Fidel:



HAN var födda hundra år sedan i Valparaiso, i sydliga Chile, på Juni 26, 1908. His avlar, en medelklass- advokat, och notaryen, var en medlem av Chile radikala parti. Då jag var född, var Allende redan 18 gammala år. Han förfölde sekundära studier i högstadium i hans infödda stad.

I hans höga år introducerade en gammal italiensk anarkist, Juan Demarchi, honom till arbetena av Marx.

Han avlade examen med bästa graderar. Han gillade och övade sportar. Han enlisted för militärtjänst frivilligt och att sammanfoga Cuirassiersen av Viña del Fördärva Regiment. Han frågade att överföras till den Lancers regimenten av Tacna, en chilensk enklav i den torra och halv-deserterade norden, ett mer sistnämnd för region som gicks tillbaka till Peru. Han avslutade hans tjänste-, som en armé reserverar kommenderar. Vid därefter var han redan en man av socialistiska och marxistiska idéer. Han var inte en svag eller utan karaktär barnman. Det var som, fast han avkände att han skulle datt slagsmål till döden i försvar av övertygelserna som tog redan formar i his varar besvärad.

Han avgjorde till studien för det nobla yrket av medicinen på universitetar av Chile. Han organiserade möten med en grupp av deltagare som mötte regelbundet för att läsa och diskutera marxistisk litteratur. Han grundade den Avance gruppen i 1929. Han valdes vicepresidentet av federationen av chilenska deltagare i 1930 och deltogs aktivt i ansträngningen mot den Carlos Ibáñez diktaturen.

Den stora fördjupningen hade redan släppt loss i Förenta staterna, efter aktiemarknadkraschen av 1929. I Kuba var ansträngningen mot Machados diktatur kommande. Mella hade mördats. Kubanska arbetare och deltagare vände mot repression. Kommunister ledde vid Martínez Villena som organiserades ett allmänt slag. ”Behöver vi en laddning att göra bort med scoundrels, att avsluta arbetet av rotationer (...)”, Villena hade skriftligt i en vibrerande poem. Guiteras en man av djupsinniga anti-imperialist känslor som försöks för att omstörta diktaturen till och med en beväpnad insurrection. Machado, som var oförmögen att innehålla den rikstäckande omstörtningen, omstörtades och földe där en rotation, som Förenta staterna klarade av för att krossa, i en materia av månader, med ungehandskar och för att stryka näven som säkrar evig sanning, kontrollerar av ön till 1959.

I ett land, var imperialist dominans övades brutally över dess arbetare, kultur och naturresurser, återstod Salvador Allende riktig till hans ideal i en ansträngning var han visade ett unwavering revolutionärt uppförande.

I 1933 avlade examen han, som en läkarundersökning manipulerar. Han tog del i grunda av Chile socialistiska parti. Vid 1935 var han redan en ledare på den chilenska medicinska anslutningen. Han fängslades för nästan halva om året. Han drev försök att skapa ett populärt beklär och valdes under-sekreteraren - general av det socialistiska partit i 1936.

I September 1939, var han det bestämda huvudet av avdelningen av vård- av det populärt beklär regeringen. Han publicerade en boka på social medicin. Han organiserade den första inhysa mässan. I 1941 deltog han i årsmötet av den medicinska anslutningen för amerikanen i Förenta staterna. I 1942 blev han sekreteraren - general av Chile socialistiska parti. I 1947 röstade han i senaten mot det permanent försvar av demokratilag som också var bekant som ”, förbannade lag”, tack vare dess undertryckande natur. I 1949 främjades han till presidenten av Chile medicinsk fakultet.

I 1952 beklär de populära satte honom framåt som presidentkandidat. Han var därefter 44 gammala år. Han valdes inte. Han framlade senaten med en formuleralag för nationaliseringen av förkopprabranschen. I 1954 reste han till Frankrike, Italien, den sovjetiska unionen och Folkrepubliken Kina.

Fyra år mer sistnämnd, i 1958, proklamerades han kandidaten till presidentsämbetet av republiken av den populära handlingen beklär, gjort upp av det populära socialistiska fackliga partit, Chile socialistiska parti och kommunistpartit. Honom som är borttappad valet till den konservativa Jorgen Alessandri.

I 1959 deltog i han invigningceremonin av den venezuelanska presidenten Rómulo Betancourt, som, tills du därefter has vart ansett en vänsterorienterad revolutionär figurera.

Att samma år, han reste till Havana och mötte med Che och mig. I 1960 gav han hans service till Chile kolgruvarbetare, som gick på slaget för mer än tre månader.

I 1961 skarpt kritisera han och Che den demagogiska naturen av alliansen för framsteg på ett OAS-möte som rymdes i Punta del Este, Uruguay.

Den bestämda kandidaten till presidentsämbetet ytterligare en gång, besegrades han i 1964 av Eduardo Frei Montalva, en kristen demokrat som tyckte om den fulla servicen av det framträdande klassificerar, och som, enligt declassified US-senatdokument, mottog aktionpengar från CIAEN. Under hans tid i regeringsställning, försökte imperialism att tillverka vad kom att vara bekant som ”rotationen i frihet”, ett ideologiskt svar till den kubanska rotationen. Vad det alstrade, var fundamenten av den fascist diktaturen. På det val emellertid, hade Allende säkrat mer, än en miljon röstar.

I 1966 honom som är hövdad delegationen som deltog i denKontinentala konferensen av Havana. Han besökte den sovjetiska unionen för den 50th årsdagen av den Oktober rotationen. Efter året i 1968, besökte han den demokratiska republiken av Korea och den demokratiska republiken av Vietnam, var han hade nöjet av mötet och att samtala med det lands utöver det vanliga ledare, den Ho chien minut. Hans rese- inklusive Cambodja och Laos, i sänder, när revolutionära känslor var på deras mest brusa.

Efter Ches död, medföljde han personligen tre kubanska medlemmar av den Bolivia gerillasoldaten till Tahiti, manar som hade fortlevt den heroiska gerillasoldaten och var redan i det chilenska territoriet.

Det populära enhetpartit, --en politisk förening som göras upp av kommunister, socialister, radikaler, MAPUEN, PADENAEN och oberoende populära handlingpartier-- proklamerat honom dess kandidat på Januari 22, 1970. På September 4 av det år segrade han valen.

Allende är ett riktigt klassiskt exempel av den fridsamma ansträngningen för etableringen av socialismen.

Us-administrationen som var hövdad vid Richard Nixon, gick omgående in i handling efter denna val- triumf. Chilenska armé kommendörkapten i chef, General René Schneider, var offer av en lönnmordtäppa på Oktober 22 och dött tre mer sistnämnda dagar. Han hade inte kowtow till den imperialist begäran att han leder etat för direktstöt ett D '. Försök till uppehället som det populära enhetpartit ut ur kontor hade missat.

Allende tog lagligt kontoret på November 3, 1970 i ett helt hedrat sätt. Från kontor började han hans heroiska strid för ändring och mot fascism. Han var redan 62 gammala år. Jag hade hedern av att ha slagits bredvid honom mot imperialism för 14 år, från tiden av triumfen av den kubanska rotationen.

På de kommunala valen av mars 1971, säkrade det populära enhetpartit en evig sanningmajoritet av röstar (50.86 procent). På Juli 11, promulgerade presidenten Allende förkoppranationaliseringslagen, en idé som han hade framlagt för senaten 19 år för. Det passerades samstämmigt av Kongress. Vågad No-one motsätter det.

I 1972 för UN-generalförsamlingen, skarpt kritisera Allende landskampagressionen som hans land var offer av. Han mottog en stående ovationer som varade flera noterar. Den samma år besökte han den sovjetiska unionen, Mexico, Colombia och Kuba.

I 1973 på de parlamentariska valen för mars, erhöll utvidgade det populära enhetpartit 45 procent av rösta och dess parlamentariska framställning.

Mäter drivit av Yankeesen i de två husen för att ha presidenten som avfärdas som möts med fel. Imperialism och rätten intensifierade deras all-out kriger mot den populära enhetregeringen, och släppt loss agerar av terrorism runt om landet.

Jag skrev förtroliga Allende sex märker - I-handwrote dem i finstiltt genom att använda enpeka skriva-mellan 1971 och 1973. I dem tog jag utfärdar upp av intresserar med det utmost omdömet.

I maj 21, skrev jag honom:

”(…) Vi förbluffas på dina utöver det vanliga försök och de obegränsade energierna som du har hällt in i att underhålla och konsolidering av din seger.

”Här, kan vi uppskatta, att folket är malt att nå, trots den svåra och komplexa beskickningen som de knuffar.

”Var de April 4 valen en storartad och uppmuntranseger.

”Har din kurage och beslutsamhet, din mentala och läkarundersökningenergi och kapacitet att bära det revolutionära processaa framåt, varit av extraktet.

”Är stora och olika utmaningar säkert in lagret för dig, och du måste vända mot dessa villkorar in som inte är exakt ideal, men en rättvis politik, med servicen av folket och som applicerar med beslutsamhet, kan inte besegras (...)”

på September 11, 1971, mig skrev:

”Reser den ska bäraren för att diskutera specificerar av besök med dig.

”Initialt och att betrakta, att ett riktaflyg i en Cubana trafikflygplan är möjligheten, ansade vi det lämpligt att resa till Arica och att börja turnera på norden. Två saker kommer därefter upp: intressera har du och Velazco Alvarado uttryckt i en potentiell kontakt under mitt snubblar där; möjligheten av att använda ett sovjet IL-62 hyvlar med mer stor kapacitet. Om vi opted för denna, skulle låter denna oss resa direkt till Santiago luftar by.

”I-förmiddag däribland en resplan för turnera och aktiviteterna. Du kan tillfoga, ta bort eller introducera, allt vad ändringar som du ansar, anslå.

”Har jag fokuserat exklusivt på vad kan bevisar av politiskt intresserar och inte har angått jag själv mycket om stega eller styrkan av arbetet, men vi väntar på dina åsikter och överväganden på absolut allt.

”Var vi mycket nöjda med den utöver det vanliga framgången som du hade i ditt snubblar till Ecuador, Colombia och Peru. När ska har vi, i Kuba, tillfället som ska delas i den uppriktiga sinnesrörelsen och värmen som Ecuadorians, Colombians och peruaner välkomnade med dig? ”

Under det snubbla, vars resplan som jag hade framfört till presidenten Allende, mitt liv, avvarades miraculously. Jag gick dussintals miles för en enorm folkmassa som står vid sidan av vägen. Centralintelligensbyrån hade organiserat tre handlingar att se till mitt lönnmord under snubbla. På en intervju för pressen, som hade föregående koordinerats, hade kubanska legosoldater, som hade skrivit in, Chile med venezuelanska pass en kamera, levererade vid en venezuelansk televisionTV-presentatör som utrustades med automatiska vapen. Ultimately var de inte modiga nog, dem, som hade endast till handtag starta på några att peka under den långa intervjun, fördriver kamerorna var på mig. De önskade inte att riskera död. Vad är mer, hade de jagat mig besegrar lite varstans Chile, var de inte hade varit kompetent att ha mig som så var nära och som var sårbart som på det ögonblick. Jag skulle lära av specificerar av de mer sistnämnda fega åren för handlingen endast. Us-sakkunniga servar hade väck vidare än vad vi hade föreställt.

På Februari 4, 1972, skrev jag Salvador:

”Sattes den mest stora omsorgen in i häleri den militära delegationen här. Den revolutionära krigsmakten ägnade praktiskt hela deras tid under de dagar till looken efter den. Sammankomsterna var innerliga och broderliga. Programet var intensivt och omväxlande. Mitt intryck är, att snubbla har varit realiteten och användbart, det som det är möjligheten och lämpligt att fortsätta sådan utbyten för uppläggning.

”Talade jag med Ariel om idén av ditt snubblar. Jag kan förstå att perfekt brunnen som det intensiva arbetet framåt av dig och tona av den politiska ansträngningen i nya veckor har inte tillåtet dig som schedule snubbla för det ungefärligt, datera oss nämnde därvid. Det är frikänden som vi inte hade tagit dessa eventualiteter in i konto. Den dag på helgdagsaftonen av min retur till Kuban, då vi åt middag i ditt hus i ottatimmarna som lite har tid och i hasten av ögonblicket, uppmuntrade det för mig till funderare att vi skulle igen meet i Kuba, var vi skulle, ha tillfället att samtala på längden. Ändå I-stillbildhamn hoppet att du kan betrakta scheduling ditt besök för någon tid för maj. Omnämnande I denna månad, därför att, miden-May, på det senast, jag måste göra en snubbla, som kan ej längre senareläggas, till Algiers, Guinea, Bulgarien, andra länder och den sovjetiska unionen. Detta långt turnerar ska betydlig tid för begäran.

”I-förmiddag som immensely är tacksam för dina intryck på läget där. Här mer gört bekant med, intresserat in och rört vid den processaa Chile erfar mycket varje dag, oss är efter nyheterna som når oss mycket uppmärksamt. I dag kan vi förbättra förstår affektionen och passionen som den kubanska rotationen måste ha inspirerat i andra på början. Du kunde något att säga som vi re-living vårt eget erfar, från yttersidan.

”I ditt märka, mig kan uppskatta det storartat påstår av varar besvärad, serenity och kurage som du är beslutsam med att konfrontera utmaningarna framåt. Och det är av extraktet i något revolutionärt bearbetar, ett som bestämt företa sig i det högt komplext, och svårt villkorar av en landsnågot liknande Chile. Jag tog bort med mig ett mycket starkt intryck av de moraliska, kulturella och människaförtjänsterna av det chilenska folket och av dess noterbara patriotiska och revolutionära känsla. Du har ental att privilegiera av vara dess vägleder på detta avgörande pekar i historia av Chile, och Amerika, höjdpunkten av ett helt liv som ägnas till ansträngningen, som dig sade på stadionen som ägnas till orsaka av rotationen och socialismen. Det finns inte några hinder som kan inte surmounteds. Någon sade en gång att, i en rotation, flyttningar en eftersänder 'med djärvhet, djärvhet och mer djärvhet'. Förmiddag som I övertygas av den djupsinniga sanningen av den axiom. ”

Skrev jag presidenten Allende igen på September 6, 1972:

”Överförde jag dig ett meddelande på olika materier med Beatriz. Efter hon lämnade och, som svar på nyheterna, som nådde oss all sist vecka, avgjorde snubblar vi att överföra kamraten Osmany för att reiterate vår villighet för att hjälpa i any långt, och så att du kan framföra till oss, till och med honom, ditt intryck av läget och dina idéer om det planlagt, till denna och andra länder. Svepskälet för Osmanys snubblar ska är kontrollen av den kubanska ambassaden, men denna som ska inte publicly för att meddelas. Vi önskar att hans stag där ska vara så kort och åtskild som möjlighet.

”Är arbete redan kommande med hänsyn till pekar dig gjorde till och med Beatriz (...)

”, fast vi är medvetna av strömsvårigheterna som vändas mot av processaa Chile revolutionär, oss är säkert dig ska fyndet långt till betaget dessa.

”Kan du rely på vårt fulla samarbete. En broderlig och revolutionär honnör från allihop går ut till dig. ”

På Juni 30, 1973, överförde vi presidentSalvador Allende, och den populära enheten festar en officiell inbjudan att delta på ceremonierna som organiseras för att fira minnet av den 20th årsdagen av attacken på den Moncada garnisonen.

I another märka, mig skrev honom:

”Salvador:

”Är det ovannämnt den officiella formella inbjudan till ceremonierna i commemoration av den 20th årsdagen. Det skulle är formidabelt, om du kunde hoppa över till Kuba på det daterar. Du kan föreställa vad detta skulle medel benämner in av glädje, tillfredsställelse och heder för kubaner. Jag vet, att denna beror, mer än något, på ditt arbete och läget där. Vi lämnar det, därefter, till ditt övervägande.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Salvador Allende: Его пример живет дальше
Automatically translated into Russian thanks to WorldLingo
Отражения Fidel:



ОН был принесен 100 лет тому назад в Valparaiso, в южной Чили, 26-ого июня 1908. Его отец, законовед middle-class и notary, были членом партии Чили радикальной. Когда я был рожден, Allende был уже 18 лет старых. Он следовал вторичные изучения в старших клаччах средней школы в его родном городе.

В его старших летах, старый итальянский анархист, Хуан Demarchi, ввел его к работам Marx.

Он градуировал с верхними рангами. Он полюбил и напрактиковал спорты. Он завербовал для военной службы добровольн, соединяющ Cuirassiers Viña del Повреждать Полка. Он спросил быть перенесенным к полку Tacna, чилийскому enclave Lancers в сухом и semi-дезертированном севере, зоне более поздно возвращенной к Перу. Он завершил его обслуживание как офицер запаса армии. By then, он был уже человеком социалистических и марксистских идей. Он не был слабым или characterless молодым человеком. Оно было как если бы он воспринял что он дн драка к смерти in defence of осуждения уже принимали форму в его разуме.

Он решил изучить для благородной профессии микстуры на университете Чили. Он организовал встречи с группой в составе студенты встречали регулярно для того чтобы прочитать и обсудить марксистскую словесность. Он основал группу Avance в 1929. Он был избран недостатком - президентом федерирования чилийских студентов в 1930 и активно участвован в схватке против диктатуры Карлос Ibáñez.

Большое нажатие уже unleashed в Соединенных Штатах, следуя за крахом фондовой биржи 1929. В Кубе, схватка против диктатуры Machado находилась underway. Mella было убито. Кубинские работники и студенты смотрели на репрессию. Коммунисты, водить Martínez Villena, организовали общую забастовку. «Нам нужно обязанность do away with негодяи, для выполнения работы витков (...)», Villena написали в vibrant стихотворении. Guiteras, человек глубокомысленных сентиментов anti-империалиста, попытанный для того чтобы overthrow диктатура через вооруженное insurrection. Machado, которое было неспособно содержать общенациональный upheaval, overthrown и там ensued виток который Соединенные Штаты управляли задавить, в деле месяцев, с перчатками малыша и кулачком утюга, обеспечивая совершенно управление острова до 1959.

В стране где imperialist доминирование зверски работалось над своими работниками, культурой и природные ресурсы, Salvador Allende остал поистине к его ideals в схватке где он показал unwavering революционное проведение.

В 1933, он градуировал как медицинский доктор. Он принял участие в основывать социалистическая партия Чили. К 1935, он был уже руководителем на чилийской медицинской ассоциации. Он был заключин в турьму для близко половины год. Он побудил усилия создать Народный фронт и был избран sub-секретаршей - генералитетом социалистическая партия в 1936.

В сентябре 1939, он был назначен головкой отдела здоровья правительства Народного фронта. Он опубликовал книгу на социальной микстуре. Он организовал первую ярмарку снабжения жилищем. В 1941, он участвовал в ежегодном собрании американской медицинской ассоциации в Соединенных Штатах. В 1942, он стал Генеральным секретарем ООН социалистическая партия Чили. В 1947, он проголосовал в сенате против долговременныа оборонительные укрепления закона народовластия, также известный как «проклятый закон», из-за своей репрессивной природы. В 1949, он был повышен к президенту школы Чили медицинской.

В 1952, Народный фронт положило его вперед как президентский выбранный. Он был после этого 44 лет старого. Он не был избран. Он представил сенат с законом проекта для национализации медной индустрии. В 1954, он переместил к Франции, Италии, советскому союзу и Китайской Республике.

4 лет более поздно, в 1958, он был провозглашенным выбранным к президентству республики популярным фронтом действия, составленного популярной социалистической партии соединения, социалистическая партия Чили и коммунистической партии. Он потерял избрание к консервативному Джордж Alessandri.

В 1959, он присутствовал на церемонии инаугурации венесуэльского президента Rómulo Betancourt, которая until then была учтена левацким революционным рисунком.

Что такой же год, он переместил к Havana и встречал с Che и мной. В 1960, он дал его поддержку к горнорабочим угля Чили, которые пошли на забастовку на больше чем 3 месяца.

В 1961, он и Che денонсировали демагогическую природу союза ради прогресса на собрании OAS созванном в Punta del Este, Уругвае.

Назначенный выбранный к президентству еще раз, он был нанесен поражение в 1964 Eduardo Frei Montalva, демократом который насладились полной поддержкой доминантных типов и который, согласно declassified документы сената США, полученной деньг Кристиан кампании от C I A. Во время его времени в офисе, империализм попытал произвести пришло быть известно как «виток в вольности», мировоззренческая реакция к кубинскому витку. Оно engendered были учредительства фашистской диктатуры. На том избрании, однако, Allende обеспечил больше чем миллионо вотумов.

В 1966, он возглавил делегацию который присутствовало на Tri-Континентальном конференции Havana. Он посетил советский союз для 50th годовщины витка в октябре. Following год, в 1968, он навестил демократическая республика Кореи и демократическая республика Вьетнама, где он имел удовольствие встречи и беседовать с руководителем той страны внесметным, хи cMin Ho. Его itinerary включил Камбоджу и Лаос, одновременно с революционные сентименты были на их effervescent.

После смерти Che, он лично сопроводил 3 кубинских члена guerrilla Боливии к Таити, людей которые выдержали героикоромантический Guerrilla и находились уже в чилийской территории.

Популярная партия всеединства, --политическая коалиция составила коммунистов, социалистов, радикалов, MAPU, PADENA и независимо популярных партий действия-- провозглашено его свой выбранный 22-ого января 1970. 4-ого сентября того года, он выиграл избрания.

Allende будет поистине классическим примером мирной схватки для установки созиализма.

Правительство США, возглавленное Ричард Nixon, пошло немедленно в действие следуя за этим электоральным триумфом. Чилийский командарма в вожде, генералитет René Schneider, был жертвой графика assassination 22-ого октября и после того как он умер 3 дня более поздно. Он не имел kowtow к imperialist требованию что он водит военный переворот. Попытка держать популярную партию всеединства из офиса потерпела неудачу.

Allende законно принимал 3-его ноября 1970 в вс dignified образе. От офиса, он начал его героикоромантическое сражение для изменения, и против фашизма. Он был уже 62 лет старого. Я имел почетность воевать рядом с им против империализма на 14 лет, from the time of триумф кубинского витка.

На муниципальных выборах марта 1971, популярная партия всеединства обеспечила абсолютное большинство вотумов (50.86 процентов). 11-ого июля, президент Allende обнародовал медный закон национализации, идею, котор он представил перед сенатом 19 лет раньше. Оно единомысленно было о Съездом. Посметое No-one сопротивляется оно.

В 1972, перед ассамблеей ООН генеральной, Allende денонсировал международное агрессию of which его страна была жертвой. Он получил стоящее ovation продолжало несколько минут. Что такой же год, он посетил советский союз, Мексику, Колумбию и Кубу.

В 1973, на парламентския выборы в марте, популярная партия всеединства получила 45 процентов вотума и расширила свое парламентское представление.

Измерения побуженные Yankees в 2 домах для того чтобы иметь президента уволили после того как они встрещены с отказом. Империализм и право сделали их глобальную войну интенсивней против популярного правительства всеединства и unleashed акты терроризма вокруг страны.

Я написал Allende 6 конфиденциальных пем - handwrote I они в малой печати использующ точн-пункт ручка-между 1971 и 1973. В их, я take up вопросы интереса с utmost усмотрением.

В 21-ое мая, я написал его:

«(…) Мы изумлены на ваших внесметных усилиях и безграничных энергиях, котор вы лили в поддержание и консолидировать вашей победы.

«Здесь, мы можем appreciate что люди gain ground, in spite of трудный и сложный полет, котор они взваливают на плечи.

«Избраниями 4-ое апреля была великолепная и ободряя победа.

«Ваши смелость и решение, ваша умственные и физические энергия и способность снести революционное отростчатое переднее, сути.

«Большими и по-разному возможностями будут уверенно внутри магазин для вас, и вы должны смотреть на эти в условиях которые не точно идеально, но справедливой политике, при поддержка людей и примененная с определением, нельзя нанести поражение (...)»

11-ого сентября 1971, я написала:

«Несущая переместит для того чтобы обсудить детали посещения с вами.

«Первоначально, рассматривающ что сразу полет в авиалайнер Cubana по возможности, мы считали его удобно переместить к Arica и начать путешествие на севере. 2 вещи после этого come up: интерес вы и Velazco Alvarado выражали в потенциальном контакте во время моего отключения там; возможность использования плоскости Совета IL-62 с большой емкостью. Если мы opted для этого, то это позволило бы нас переместить сразу к Santiago воздухом.

«Я вклюаю itinerary для путешествия и RABOT. Вы можете добавить, извлечь или ввести любые изменения вы считаете соотвествующими.

«Я фокусировал исключительн на могло доказать политического интереса и не относиться очень о побежке или интенсивности работы, но мы ждем ваших мнений и рассмотрения на совершенно всем.

«Мы были очень pleased с внесметным успехом, котор вы имели в вашем отключении к эквадору, Колумбией и Перу. Когда мы, в Кубе, имеем возможность, котор нужно делить в heartfelt взволнованности и тепле с которой Ecuadorians, колумбийцы и Peruvians приветствовали вас? «

Во время того отключения, itinerary, котор которого я транспортировал к президенту Allende, моей жизни нерукотворно пощадил. Я погулял дюжины миль перед большой толпой, готовя сторону дороги. Центральная разведовательная служба организовала 3 действия для того чтобы обеспечить мой assassination во время отключения. На интервью для давления ранее было скоординировано, кубинские mercenaries, которые вошли Чили с венесуэльскими пасспортами имели камеру, поставили венесуэльским передатчиком телевидения, оборудованным с автоматическими оружиями. Предельно, они не были храбрейши достаточно, они которые имели только вытянуть пуск на любой этап во время длинномерного интервью, пока камеры находились на мне. Они не хотели рискнуть смерть. Больше, они погнало меня вниз с совсем вокруг Чили, где они не смогло иметь меня как близко и уязвимо как на том моменте. Я должен был выучить деталей трусливых лет действия только более поздно. Специальное обслуживание США пошли более далее чем мы представили.

4-ого февраля 1972, я написал Salvador:

«Большаяа забота был положен в получать воинскую делегацию здесь. Революционные вооруженные силы страны посвятили практически все из их времени во время тех дней look after оно. Сходы были сердечнейши и по-братски. Программа была интенсивна и varied. Мое впечатление что отключение положительно и полезно, то, котор по возможности и удобно продолжать организовать такие обмены.

«Я поговорил с Ariel о идее вашего отключения. Я могу понять совершенно добро интенсивная работа впереди вас и тон политической схватки in recent weeks не позволяют вас запланировать отключение на приблизительная дата, котор мы упомянули на том случае. Оно ясно мы не приняло эти eventualities into account. Тот день, на кануне моего возвращения к Кубе, когда мы пообедали в вашей доме в предыдущих часах утра, имея меньшее время и в торопливости момента, он reassuring для меня для того чтобы думать что мы снова будем встречать в Кубе, где мы имели бы возможность побеседовать подробно. Однако, я все еще затаиваю упование что вы можете рассматривать запланировать ваше посещение на некоторое время перед маем. Я упоминаю этот месяц потому что, середина мая, на самой последней, я должен сделать отключение, которое можно no longer не отложить, к Algiers, гинее, Болгарии, другим странам и советскому союзу. Это длиннее путешествие потребует значительному времени.

«Я больш thankful для ваших впечатлений на ситуации там. Здесь, больше ознакомлено с, заинтересовано внутри и very much двинуто отростчатой Чили испытывает каждый день, мы следуйте за новостями которые достигают нас очень внимательн. Сегодня, мы можем более лучше понять affection и страсть который кубинский виток должен воодушевить в других на начале. Вы смогли сказать мы re-living наш собственный опыт, от снаружи.

«В вашем письме, я могу appreciate пышное положение о намерениях, serenity и смелость с которым вы обусловлены, что confront возможности вперед. И то сути в любом революционном процессе, определенно одном предпринятом в высоки сложных и трудных условиях страны как Чили. Я take away с мной очень сильное впечатление нравственных, культурных и людских добродетелей чилийских людей и своего знатного патриотического и революционного сентимента. Вы имейте исключительно привилегированность был сво направляющий выступ на эт решительно пункт в история Чили и америка, кульминация всей жизни посвященной к схватке, как вы сказал на стадионе, посвященной к причине витка и созиализма. Не будут препон нельзя surmounted. Кто-то как только сказанн то, в витке, одном двигает вперед 'с смелостью, смелостью и больше смелости'. Я убежен глубокомысленной правды той аксиомы. «

Я писал президенту Allende снова 6-ого сентября 1972:

«Я послал вами сообщение на по-разному делах с Beatriz. После того как она вышла и, in response to новости которые достигли нас полностью последняя неделя, мы решили послать камраду Osmany для того чтобы reiterate наша готовность помочь в любом случае, и TAK, CTO вы сможете транспортировать к нам, через его, вашему впечатлению ситуации и вашим идеям о запланированном отключении к этому и другим странам. Претекстом для отключения Osmany будет осмотр кубинского посольства, но это общественно не будет объявлено. Мы хотим его пребывание там быть как можно кратко и дискретны.

«Работа уже underway по отношению к пунктам, котор вы сделали до Beatriz (...)

«хотя мы сознательны в настоящее время затруднений ых процессом Чили революционным, мы уверенно вы найдете дорогу отжать эти.

«Вы можете положиться на нашем полном сотрудничестве. По-братски и революционный салют от all of us go out к вам. «

30-ого июня 1973, мы послали президенту Salvador Allende и популярным партиям всеединства официальное приглашение участвовать на церемониях организованных для того чтобы commemorate 20th годовщина нападения на Moncada Garrison.

В другом письме, я написал его:

«Salvador:

«Вышеуказанное будет официальным, официально приглашением к церемониям в чествовании 20th годовщины. Оно было бы formidable если вы смогли подпрыгнуть сверх к Кубе на той дате. Вы можете представить это намеревалось бы in terms of утеха, соответствие и почетность для кубинцев. Я знаю что это зависит, больше чем что-нибыдь, на вашей работе и ситуации там. Мы передаем оно, после этого, к вашему рассмотрению.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Salvador Allende: Zijn Leven van het Voorbeeld
Automatically translated into Dutch thanks to WorldLingo
Bezinningen van Fidel:



HIJ was geboren honderd jaar geleden in Valparaiso, in zuidelijk Chili, op 26 Juni, 1908. Zijn vader, een middenklasseadvocaat en een notaris, was een lid van de Radicale Partij van Chili. Toen ik geboren was, was Allende reeds 18 jaar oud. Hij streefde secundaire studies in hoge school in zijn inheemse stad na.

In zijn hogere jaren, introduceerde een oude Italiaanse anarchist, Juan Demarchi, hem aan de werkzaamheden van Marx.

Hij behaalde met hoogste rangen een diploma. Hij hield en oefende van sporten uit. Hij wierf vrijwillig voor legerdienst aan die, bij Cuirassiers van Viña del Mar Regiment aansluit zich. Hij vroeg om naar het Lancers Regiment van Tacna, een Chileense enclave in het droge en semi-verlaten noorden, een gebied worden overgebracht dat later aan Peru wordt teruggegeven. Hij voltooide zijn dienst als de reserveambtenaar van het Leger. Tegen die tijd, was hij reeds een mens van socialistische en Marxistische ideeën. Hij was geen zwakke of karakterloze jonge mens. Het was alsof hij ontdekte dat hij één dagstrijd aan de dood ter verdediging van de overtuigingen die reeds vorm in zijn mening vergden.

Hij besliste voor het edele beroep van geneeskunde bij de Universiteit van Chili te bestuderen. Hij organiseerde vergaderingen met een groep studenten die regelmatig samenkwamen om Marxistische literatuur te lezen en te bespreken. Hij richtte de Groep Avance in 1929 op. Hij werd verkozen ondervoorzitter van de Federatie van Chileense Studenten in 1930 en deelnam actief aan de strijd tegen de dictatuur van Carlos Ibáñez.

De grote Depressie had reeds in de Verenigde Staten, na de Neerstorting van de Effectenbeurs van 1929 losgelaten. In Cuba, was de strijd tegen de dictatuur van Machado aan de gang. Mella moord. Cubaanse arbeiders en studenten onder ogen gezien onderdrukking. Communisten, die door Martinez Villena worden de geleid, organiseerden een algemene staking. „Wij hebben een last nodig om scoundrels af te schaffen, om het werk van revoluties (...)“ te voltooien, had Villena in een trillend gedicht geschreven. Guiteras, een mens van diepgaand anti-imperialistisch gevoel, probeerde om de dictatuur door een bewapende opstand omver te werpen. Machado, die de nationale omwenteling niet kon bevatten, werd omvergeworpen en er volgde een revolutie die de Verenigde Staten erin slaagden om, in een kwestie van maanden, met jong geitjehandschoenen en ijzervuist te verpletteren, beveiligend absolute controle van het eiland tot 1959.

In een land waar de imperialistische overheersing brutaal op zijn arbeiders, cultuur en natuurlijke rijkdommen werd uitgeoefend, bleef Salvador Allende waar aan zijn ideals in een strijd waar hij een standvastig revolutionair gedrag toonde.

In 1933, behaalde hij een diploma als medische arts. Hij nam aan het oprichten van de Socialistische Partij van Chili deel. Tegen 1935, was hij reeds een leider bij de Chileense Medische Vereniging. Hij werd gevangengenomen voor bijna een half jaar. Hij spoorde inspanningen aan om Populaire Voor te creëren en werd verkozen sub-secretaresse - algemeen van de Socialistische Partij in 1936.

In September 1939, werd hij benoemd hoofd van het Ministerie van Gezondheid van de Populaire Vooroverheid. Hij publiceerde een boek op sociale geneeskunde. Hij organiseerde de eerste Markt van de Huisvesting. In 1941, nam hij aan de jaarlijkse vergadering van de Amerikaanse Medische Vereniging in de Verenigde Staten deel. In 1942, werd hij Secretaris-generaal van de Socialistische Partij van Chili. In 1947, stemde hij in de Senaat tegen de Permanente Defensie van de Wet van de Democratie, die ook als de „Vervloekte Wet“ wordt bekend, wegens zijn repressieve aard. In 1949, werd hij bevorderd aan Voorzitter van de Medische School van Chili.

In 1952, stelde de Populaire Voorzijde hem als presidentiële kandidaat voor. Hij was toen 44 jaar oud. Hij werd niet verkozen. Hij stelde de Senaat met een wetsontwerp voor de nationalisering van de koperindustrie voor. In 1954, reiste hij naar Frankrijk, Italië, de Sowjetunie en de Volksrepubliek China.

Vier later jaar, in 1958, werd hij afgekondigd kandidaat aan het voorzitterschap van de republiek door de Populaire Voorzijde van de Actie, dat uit de Populaire Socialistische Partij van de Unie, de Socialistische Partij van Chili en de Communistische Partij wordt samengesteld. Hij verloor de verkiezing aan conservatieve Jorge Alessandri.

In 1959, woonde hij de inauguratieceremonie van Venezolaanse President Rómulo Betancourt bij, die tot dan gehad beschouwd als een links revolutionair cijfer.

Dat zelfde jaar, reiste hij naar Havana en kwam Che en me samen. In 1960, gaf hij zijn steun aan de mijnwerkers van Chili, die op staking meer dan drie maanden gingen.

In 1961, stelden hij en Che de demagogische aard van de Alliantie voor Vooruitgang op een vergadering OAS aan de kaak die in Punta del Este, Uruguay wordt gehouden.

Benoemde kandidaat aan het voorzitterschap nogmaals, werd hij verslagen in 1964 door Eduardo Frei Montalva, een Christen-democraat die van de volledige steun van de dominante klassen genoot en die, volgens de vrijgegeven documenten van de V.S.- Senaat, campagnegeld van de CIA ontving. Tijdens zijn tijd in bureau, probeerde het imperialisme om te bewerken wat om „Revolutie in Vrijheid“ kwam genoemd te worden, een ideologische reactie op de Cubaanse revolutie. Wat het veroorzaakte waren de stichtingen van de fascistische dictatuur. Bij die verkiezing, echter, had Allende meer dan één miljoen stemmen beveiligd.

In 1966, leidde hij de delegatie die de tri-Continentale Conferentie van Havana bijwoonde. Hij bezocht de Sowjetunie voor de 50ste Verjaardag van de Revolutie van Oktober. Het volgende jaar, in 1968, bezocht hij de Democratische Republiek Korea en de Democratische Republiek Vietnam, waar hij het genoegen van vergadering en het converseren met de buitengewone leider van dat land, Ho Chi Min. had. Zijn reisroute omvatte Kambodja en Laos, op een tijdstip waarop het revolutionaire gevoel bij hun het bruisendst was.

Na de dood van Che, begeleidde hij persoonlijk drie Cubaanse leden van de guerilla van Bolivië aan Tahiti, mensen die de Heldhaftige Guerilla hadden overleefd en reeds op Chileens grondgebied geweest.

De populaire Partij van de Eenheid, --een politieke coalitie die uit communisten, socialisten, basissen, de MAPU, PADENA en Onafhankelijke Populaire partijen van de Actie wordt samengesteld-- afgekondigd hem zijn kandidaat op 22 Januari, 1970. Op 4 September van dat jaar, won hij de verkiezingen.

Allende is een echt klassiek voorbeeld van de vreedzame strijd voor de totstandbrenging van socialism.

De Amerikaanse regering, die door Richard Nixon wordt geleid, ging onmiddellijk in actie na deze kiestriomf. De bevelhebber van het Chileense Leger in Belangrijkste, Algemene René Schneider, was het slachtoffer van een moordperceel op 22 Oktober en stierf drie later dagen. Hij had niet kowtow aan de imperialistische vraag dat hij een staatsgreep leidt. De poging had om de Populaire Partij van de Eenheid van bureau weg te houden ontbroken.

Allende nam juridisch bureau op 3 November, 1970 op een geheel waardige manier. Van bureau, begon hij met zijn heldhaftige slag voor verandering, en tegen fascisme. Hij was reeds 62 jaar oud. Ik had de eer van naast hem tegen imperialisme 14 jaar, vanuit de tijd van de triomf van de Cubaanse revolutie gevochten te hebben.

Bij de gemeentelijke verkiezingen van Maart 1971, beveiligde de Populaire Partij van de Eenheid een absolute meerderheid van stemmen (50.86 percenten). Op 11 Juli, kondigde President Allende de Wet van de Nationalisering van het Koper, een idee dat hij af vóór de Senaat had voorgesteld 19 voordien jaar. Het werd eenstemmig overgegaan door Congres. Niemand durfte verzet zich het.

In 1972, vóór de Algemene Vergadering van de V.N., stelde Allende de internationale agressie aan de kaak waarvan zijn land slachtoffer was. Hij ontving bevindende ovation die verscheidene notulen duurde. Dat zelfde jaar, bezocht hij de Sowjetunie, Mexico, Colombia en Cuba.

In 1973, bij de parlementaire verkiezingen van Maart, verkreeg de Populaire Partij van de Eenheid 45 percent van de stemming en breidde zijn parlementaire vertegenwoordiging uit.

De maatregelen die door de Yankees op de twee Algemene Vergadering worden aangespoord de verworpen voorzitter te hebben kwamen mislukking samen. Het imperialisme en het Recht intensifi�ërden hun volledige oorlog tegen de Populaire overheid van de Eenheid en lieten handelingen van terrorisme rond het land los.

Ik schreef Allende zes vertrouwelijke brieven - I handwrote hen in kleine druk gebruikend een fijn-punt pen-tussen 1971 en 1973. In hen, nam ik kwesties van belang met de uiterste discretie op.

In 21 Mei, schreef ik hem:

„(…) Wij zijn verbaasd bij uw buitengewone inspanningen en onbegrensde energieën u in het handhaven van en het consolideren van uw overwinning hebt gegoten.

„Hier, kunnen wij dat de mensen terrein winnen, ondanks de moeilijke en complexe opdracht waarderen die zij hebben gesteund.

„4 April waren de verkiezingen een schitterende en bemoedigende overwinning.

„Uw moed en lost, uw geestelijke en fysieke energie op en de capaciteit om het revolutionaire proces voort te zetten, is wezenlijk geweest.

De „grote en verschillende uitdagingen zijn zeker in opslag voor u, en u moet deze in voorwaarden onder ogen zien die niet precies ideaal zijn, maar een juist beleid, met de steun van de mensen en van toepassing geweest met bepaling, kan (...)“ op

11 worden verslagen niet September, 1971, schreef ik:

De „drager zal reizen om de details van het bezoek met u te bespreken.

„Aanvankelijk, van mening zijnd dat een directe vlucht in een lijnvliegtuig Cubana mogelijk is, wij het geschikt achtten om naar Arica te reizen en met de reis te beginnen bij het noorden. Twee dingen komen dan op: de belangstelling u en Velazco Alvarado van in een potentieel contact tijdens mijn reis daar blijk hebt gegeven; de mogelijkheid om een Sovjetvliegtuig IL-62 met grotere capaciteit te gebruiken. Als wij voor dit opteerden, zou dit ons om rechtstreeks naar Santiago door de lucht toestaan te reizen.

„Ik omvat een reisroute voor de reis en de activiteiten. U kunt toevoegen, verwijderen of introduceren de wijzigingen u aangewezen acht.

„Ik heb me uitsluitend geconcentreerd op wat veel zou kunnen van politiek belang bewijzen en niet betroffen hebben over het tempo of de intensiteit van het werk, maar wij wachten op uw adviezen en overwegingen op absoluut alles.

„Wij waren zeer pleased met het buitengewone succes u in uw reis aan Ecuador, Colombia en Peru had. Wanneer wij, in Cuba, de kans om in de heartfelt emotie en de zullen hebben te delen warmte waarmee Ecuatorianen, Columbianen en Peruvianen u welkom heetten? „

Tijdens die reis, waarvan reisroute ik aan President Allende had vervoerd, werd mijn leven wonderbaarlijk gespaard. Ik liep dozens mijlen vóór een immense menigte, die zich door de kant van de weg bevindt. Het centrale Agentschap van de Intelligentie had drie acties georganiseerd om mijn moord tijdens de reis te verzekeren. Bij een gesprek voor de pers die eerder was gecoördineerd, hadden Cubaanse mercenaries, die Chili met Venezolaanse paspoorten waren ingegaan een camera, die door een Venezolaanse televisieomroep wordt geleverd, die met automatische wapens wordt uitgerust. Uiteindelijk, waren zij niet moedig genoeg, zij die hadden om de trekker op om het even welk punt tijdens het lange gesprek slechts te trekken, terwijl de camera's op me waren. Zij wilden geen dood riskeren. Wat meer, had zij is me onderaan rondom Chili achtervolgd, waar zij niet me hadden kunnen hebben zo dicht en kwetsbaar zoals op dat ogenblik. Ik moest van de details van de laffe actie slechts later jaren leren. De Speciale Diensten van de V.S. waren verder dan gegaan wat wij hadden verondersteld.

Op 4 Februari, 1972, schreef ik Salvador:

De „grootste zorg werd gezet in hier het ontvangen van de militaire delegatie. De revolutionaire Bewapende Krachten wijdden praktisch elk van hun ogenblik tijdens die dagen om voor het te zorgen. Verzamelen zich waren hartelijk en broederlijk. Het programma was intens en gevari�ërd. Mijn indruk is dat de reis positief en nuttig is geweest, dat het mogelijk en geschikt is blijven organiserend dergelijke uitwisselingen.

„Ik sprak met Ariel over het idee van uw reis. Ik kan volkomen goed begrijpen dat het intense werk voor u en de toon van de politieke strijd in recente weken u niet hebben toegestaan om de reis voor de benaderende datum te plannen die wij bij die gelegenheid hebben vermeld. Het is duidelijk wij niet met deze eventualiteiten rekening hadden gehouden. Die dag, op de vooravond van mijn terugkeer naar Cuba dat, toen wij in uw huis in de vroege ochtenduren dineerden, weinig tijd heeft en in de haast van het ogenblik, was het geruststellend voor me om te denken dat wij opnieuw in Cuba zouden samenkomen, waar wij de kans zouden hebben uitvoerig te converseren. Niettemin, de haven van I nog de hoop dat u kunt nadenken plannend uw bezoek voor wat tijd vóór Mei. Ik vermeld deze maand omdat, midden van mei, ten laatste, ik een reis moet maken, die niet meer, aan Algiers, Guinea, Bulgarije, andere landen en Sowjetunie kan worden uitgesteld. Deze lange reis zal aanzienlijke tijd eisen.

„Ik ben immensely dankbaar daar voor uw indrukken op de situatie. Hier, meer vertrouwd gemaakt met, interessant in en zeer bewogen door het proces Chili ervaart elke dag, volgen wij het nieuws dat ons zeer aandachtig bereikt. Vandaag, kunnen wij de affectie en de hartstocht beter begrijpen die de Cubaanse revolutie in anderen moet bij het begin geïnspireerdn hebben. U kon zeggen wij re-levend onze eigen ervaring, van de buitenkant zijn.

„In uw brief, kan ik de prachtige staat van mening, sereniteit en moed waarderen met wie u vastbesloten bent om de uitdagingen vooruit te confronteren. En dat is wezenlijk in om het even welk revolutionair proces, in het bijzonder één ondernomen in de hoogst complexe en moeilijke voorwaarden van een land zoals Chili. Ik haalde met me een zeer sterke indruk van de morele, culturele en menselijke deugden van de Chileense mensen en van zijn opmerkelijk patriotic en revolutionair gevoel weg. U hebt het bijzondere voorrecht van het zijn zijn gids op dit beslissende punt in de geschiedenis van Chili en Amerika, het hoogtepunt van het volledig leven toegewijd aan de strijd, zoals u bij het stadion zei, toegewijd aan de oorzaak van de revolutie en socialism. Er zijn geen hindernissen die niet kunnen worden overwonnen. Iemand zei eens dat, in een revolutie, men zich vooruit 'met moed, moed en meer moed' beweegt. Ik ben overtuigd van de diepgaande waarheid van dat axioma. „

Ik schreef opnieuw President Allende op 6 September, 1972:

„Ik verzond u een bericht inzake verschillende kwesties met Beatriz. Nadat zij en wegging, in antwoord op het nieuws dat ons allen vorige week bereikte, beslisten wij kameraad Osmany te sturen om onze bereidheid te herhalen in elk geval te helpen, en zodat u aan ons, door hem, uw indruk van de situatie en uw ideeën over de geplande reis kunt vervoeren aan dit en andere landen. Het voorwendsel voor de reis van Osmany zal de inspectie van de Cubaanse ambassade zijn, maar dit zal niet openbaar aangekondigd worden. Wij willen zo kort en afzonderlijk mogelijk zijn verblijf daar zijn.

Het „werk is reeds aan de gang met betrekking tot de punten u door Beatriz (...) „

hoewel wij van de huidige moeilijkheden die door het revolutionaire proces bewust zijn van Chili onder ogen worden gezien maakte, zijn wij zeker u de manier zult vinden om deze te overwinnen.

„U kunt zich op onze volledige samenwerking baseren. Een broederlijke en revolutionaire begroeting van wij allemaal gaat aan u uit. „

Op 30 Juni, 1973, verzonden wij President Salvador Allende en de Populaire partijen van de Eenheid een officiële uitnodiging om bij de ceremonies deel te nemen die worden georganiseerd om de 20ste verjaardag van de aanval op het Moncada Garnizoen te herdenken.

In een andere brief, schreef ik hem:

„Salvador:

„Bovengenoemd is de officiële, formele uitnodiging aan de ceremonies in herdenking van de 20ste verjaardag. Het zou formidabel zijn als u hop over aan Cuba op die datum kon. U kunt veronderstellen wat dit in termen van vreugde, tevredenheid en eer voor Cubanen zou betekenen. Ik weet dat dit, meer dan om het even wat, van uw werk en situatie daar afhangt. Wij verlaten het, toen, aan uw overweging.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

السلفادور [ألّند]: يعيش مثاله فوق
Automatically translated into Arabic thanks to WorldLingo
إنعكاسات فيديل:



هو كان [بورن] [أن هوندرد] سنون [أغو] في [فلبريس], في شيلية جنوبيّة, في يونيو - حزيران 26, 1908. كان أبه, طبقة وسطى محامية وكاتب عدل, عضوة من شيلية حزب متطرّفة. عندما [بورن] أنا كان, [ألّند] كان سابقا 18 [ير ولد]. هو كان تتبّع دراسات ثانويّة في مدرسة ثانويّة في مدينته أهليّ طبيعيّ.

في سنونه كبريات, قدّمه فوضويّ قديمة إيطاليّة, [جون] [دمرش], إلى الأعمال ماركس.

هو تخرّج مع درجات علويّة. هو أحبّ ومارس رياضات. هو جنّد ل [ميليتري سرفيس] طوعا, يتلاقى [كيرسّيرس] من [فيا] [دل] مارس - آذار [رجمنت]. هو سأل أن يكون [ترنسفرّد] إلى [لنسرس] فوج [تكنا], أرض حبيسة شيليّة في الجافّة و [سمي-دسرتد] شمال, منطقة فيما بعد يرجع إلى بيرو. هو أتمّ خدمته كجيش احتياطي ضابطة. [بي ثن], كان هو سابقا رجل من اشتراكيّة وأفكار ماركسيّة. هو [ب] لم ضعيفة أو [يوونغ من] [شركترلسّ]. هو كان وكأنّ حسّ هو أنّ هو أراد واحدة معركة [دي] إلى الموت [إين دفنس وف] القناعة أنّ كان سابقا أخذ شكل في عقله.

هو قرّر أن يدرس للمهنة نبيلة الطبّ في الجامعة الشيلية. هو نظّم اجتماعات مع مجموعة الطالبات الذي التقى بانتظام أن يقرأ وتناقشت أدب ماركسيّة. هو أسّس [أفنس] مجموعة في 1929. هو كان انتخبت نائب رئيس من الاتّحاد فيدراليّ من طالبات شيليّة في 1930 وبنشاط ساهمت في الكفاح ضدّ كارلوس [إيبز] دكتاتوريّة.

أطلق الالأزمة الاقتصاديّة الكبرى تلقّى سابقا في الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة, يتبع الانهيار سوق الأسهم الماليّة من 1929. في كوبا, كان الكفاح ضدّ [مشدو] دكتاتوريّة جار. قتلت [ملّا] تلقّى يكون. كوكيّة واجه عاملات وطالبات قمع. نظّم شيوعيات, يقاد ب [مرتنز] [فيلّنا], إضراب عامّة. "يحتاج نحن حشوة أن يستغني [سكوندرل], أن يتمّ العمل الثورات (...)", [فيلّنا] كتب في قصيدة مهتزّة. [غيترس], رجل من عميقة [أنتي-يمبريليست] عواطف, يحاول أن يسقط الدكتاتوريّة من خلال تمرد مسلّحة. أسقطت [مشدو], الذي كان يعجز أن يحتوي الإنقلاب قوميّة, كان وهناك نتج ثورة أيّ الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة أدار أن يسحق, في أمر الشهور, مع جدية قفازات وحديد قبضة, يؤمّن تحكم مطلقة من الجزيرة حتّى 1959.

في بلاد حيث سيطرة إمبرياليّة كان بوحشيّة تدرّبت على ه عاملات, ثقافة و [نتثرل رسورس], بقي السلفادور [ألّند] يصحّ إلى مثل أعلىه في كفاح حيث هو أبدى تصرّف إداريّ راسخة ثوريّة.

في 1933, تخرّج هو كدكتورة طبيّة. هو ساهم في ال يؤسّس من شيلية حزب اشتراكيّة. ب 1935, كان هو سابقا زعيمة في الجمعية شيليّة طبيّة. هو كان سجنت ل تقريبا نصف [ا] سنة. هو اضطرّ جهود أن يخلق شعبيّة أماميّة وكان انتخبت [سوب-سكرتري] - جنرال من الحزب اشتراكيّة في 1936.

في سبتمبر - أيلول 1939, عيّنت هو كان رأس من القسم الصحة من الحكومة شعبيّة أماميّة. هو نشر كتاب على [سسل مديسن]. هو نظّم الأولى إسكان معرض. في 1941, ساهم هو في ال [أنّول ميتينغ] من الجمعية أمريكيّة طبيّة في الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة. في 1942, أصبح هو أمين عامّ من شيلية حزب اشتراكيّة. في 1947, اقترع هو في المجلس الشيوخ ضدّ الدفاع دائمة من ديموقراطيّة قانون, أيضا يعرف ك ال "يلعن قانون", واجبة إلى طبيعته قمعيّة. في 1949, روّجت هو كان إلى رئيس من شيلية مدرسة طبيّة.

في 1952, وضعه الجبهة شعبيّة فصاعدا كمرشح رئاسيّة. هو كان بعد ذلك 44 [ير ولد]. لم ينتخب هو كان. هو قدّم المجلس الشيوخ مع [درفت لو] للتأميم من الصناعة نحاسيّة. في 1954, سافر هو إلى فرنسا, إيطاليا, [سفيت ونيون] [بيوبل'س ربوبليك وف شنا].

أربعة سنون فيما بعد, في 1958, كان هو يعلن مرشح إلى الرئاسة من الجمهورية بالشعبيّة عمل جبهة, يصطلح من الشعبيّة اشتراكيّة إتحاد حزب, شيلية حزب اشتراكيّة والحزب شيوعيّة. هو خسر الإنتخاب إلى [جورج] محافظة [ألسّندري].

في 1959, حضر هو التدشين مرسم من رئيس فنزويليّ [رمولو] [بتنكورت], الذي [أونتيل ثن] تلقّى يكون اعتبرت رقم يساريّة ثوريّة.

أنّ نفسه سنة, سافر هو إلى هافانا والتقى مع [ش] وي. في 1960, أعطى هو دعمه إلى شيلية [كل مينر], الذي ذهب على إضراب لأكثر من ثلاثة شهور.

في 1961, شجب هو و [ش] الطبيعة [دمغجك] من التحالف لتقدم في [وأس] اجتماع يمسك في [بونتا] [دل] [إست], أوروغواي.

يعيّن مرشح إلى الرئاسة [أنس غين], هزمت هو كان في 1964 ب [إدوردو] [فري] [مونتلفا], ديموقراطية مسيحية الذي استمتع ال يشبع دعم من الأصناف مسيطرة والذي, وفقا ل [دكلسّيفي] [أوس] مجلس الشيوخ يوثّق, يستلم حملة مال من الوكالة المخابرات الأمريكيّة. أثناء وقته في مكتب, حاول إمبرياليّة أن يحبك ماذا أتى أن يكون عرفت ك ال "ثورة في حرية", إستجابة إيديولوجيّة إلى الثورة كوبيّ. ماذا هو ولد كان الأسس من الدكتاتوريّة فاشيّ. في أنّ إنتخاب, مهما, كان [ألّند] قد أمّن أكثر من [أن ميلّيون] إقتراعات.

في 1966, [هدد] هو الوفد أنّ حضر المؤتمر [تري-كنتيننتل] هافانا. هو زار [سفيت ونيون] ل ال [50ث] ذكرى من أكتوبر - تشرين الأوّل ثورة. السنة تالي, في 1968, زار هو الجمهورية ديموقراطيّة كوريا والجمهورية ديموقراطيّة فييتنام, حيث هو تلقّى المتعة من اجتماع ويحادث مع أنّ بلاد زعيمة خارق للعادة, [هو] [ش] [مين.]. تضمّن مساره كمبوديا ولاوس, [أت ا تيم وهن] عواطف ثوريّة كانوا في هم أكثر فوّار.

بعد [ش] موت, رافق هو شخصيّا ثلاثة أعضاء كوبيّ من بوليفيا [غرّيلّا] إلى تايتي, رجال الذي كان قد بقي ال [غرّيلّا] بطوليّة وكان سابقا في أرض شيليّة.

الشعبيّة وحدة حزب, --اصطلح إئتلاف سياسيّة من شيوعيات, الإشتراكيّ, متطرفات, ال [مبو], [بدنا] ومستقلّة شعبيّة عمل أحزاب-- يعلنه مرشحه في يناير - كانون الثّاني 22, 1970. في سبتمبر - أيلول 4 من أنّ سنة, ربح هو الإنتخابات.

[ألّند] مثال كلاسيكيّة حقّا من الكفاح سلميّ للإقامة الاشتراكيّة.

ال [أوس] ذهب إدارة, [هدد] بريتشارد نيكسون, فورا داخل عمل يتبع هذا إنتصار انتخابيّة. الشيليّة جيش كان [كمّندر ين شف], جنرال [رن] [سكهنيدر], الضحية من إغتيال خطة في أكتوبر - تشرين الأوّل 22 ويموت ثلاثة أيام فيما بعد. هو تلقّى لم [كووتوو] إلى الطلب إمبرياليّة أنّ يقود هو [كوبد'تت]. كان المحاولة أن يحافظ الشعبيّة وحدة حزب من مكتب قد [فيلد].

أخذ [ألّند] قانونيّا مكتب في نوفمبر - تشرين الثّاني 3, 1970 في كلّيّة يوقّر طريقة. من مكتب, بدأ هو معركته بطوليّة لتغير, وضدّ فاشية. هو كان سابقا 62 [ير ولد]. أنا تلقّيت الشرف من يتلقّى يتنازع [نإكست تو] ه ضدّ إمبرياليّة ل 14 سنون, [فروم ث تيم وف] الإنتصار من الثورة كوبيّة.

في الإنتخابات بلديّة مارس - آذار 1971, الشعبيّة وحدة أمّن حزب أغلبية مطلقة إقتراعات (50.86 نسبة مئويّة). في يوليو-تمّوز 11, أذاع رئيس [ألّند] النحاسيّة تأميم قانون, فكرة هو كان قد قدّم قبل المجلس الشيوخ 19 سنون من قبل. مررت هو كان بشكل إجماعيّ ب [كنغرسّ]. يتعارض [نو-ون] يجسر هو.

في 1972, قبل المنظّمة الأمم المتّحدة [جنرل سّمبلي], شجب [ألّند] الإعتداء دوليّة [أف وهيش] بلده كان ضحية. هو استلم إحتفاء ثابتة أيّ دام عدّة دقائق. أنّ نفسه سنة, زار هو [سفيت ونيون], مكسيك, كولومبيا وكوبا.

في 1973, في مارس - آذار إنتخابات برلمانيّة, الشعبيّة وحدة نال حزب 45 نسبة مئويّة من الإقتراع ومدّد تمثيله برلمانيّة.

صرف الإجراءات يضطرّ ب [ينكيس] في الاثنان منازل أن يتلقّى الرئيس يلتقي مع إخفاق. شدّد إمبرياليّة والحق حربهم شاملة ضدّ الشعبيّة وحدة حكومة وأطلق أعمال الإرهاب حول البلاد.

أنا كتبت [ألّند] ستّة حرف سرّيّة - أنا [هندوروت] هم في طبعة صغيرة يستعمل [فين-بوينت] [بن-بتوين] 1971 و1973. في هم, قصّر أنا إصدارات الفائدة مع التحفظ قصوى.

في شهر ماي 21, كتبه أنا:

"(…) نحن أذهلت في جهودك خارق للعادة والطاقات لانهائيّة أنت قد صببت داخل يبقي ويعزّز نصرتك.

"هنا, نحن يستطيع قدّمت أنّ [غين غرووند] الالناس, [إين سبيت وف] ال يصعب ومهمة معقّدة هم يتنكّبون.

"أبريل - نيسان 4 كان إنتخابات باهر ومشجّع نصرة.

"ك قد كان شجاعة وقرار, ك عقليّة وطبيعيّة طاقة وقدرة أن يحمل الثوريّة معامل أماميّة, من الجوهر.

"عظيمة وتحديات مختلفة بالتّأكيد داخل مخزن ل أنت, وأنت ينبغي واجهت هذا في شروط أيّ ليس تماما مثاليّة, غير أنّ سياسة صحيحة, مع الدعم من الالناس ويطبّق مع تعيين, يستطيع لا يكون هزمت (...)"

في سبتمبر - أيلول 11, 1971, أنا كتب:

"سيسافر الشركة نقل جويّ أن يتناقش التفاصيل من الزيارة مع أنت.

"في البداية, يعتبر أنّ رحلة مباشرة في [كبنا] طائرة يمكن, اعتبر نحن هو ملائمة أن يسافر إلى [أريك] وأن يبدأ الرحلة في الشمال. تحت اثنان أشياء بعد ذلك: الفائدة قد عبّر عن أنت و [فلزك] [ألفردو] في اتّصال ممكنة أثناء رحلتي هناك; الإمكانية من يستعمل سوفياتية [إيل-62] طائرة مع قدرة عظيمة. إن نحن اخترنا ل هذا, سمحنا هذا أن يسافر مباشرة إلى سانتياغو بهواء.

"يتضمّن أنا مسار للرحلة وأنشطة. أنت يمكن أضفت, أزلت أو قدّمت أيّما تعديلات يعتبر أنت مناسبة.

"قد [فوكسد] أنا حصريّا على ماذا أمكن برهنت من فائدة سياسيّة ويتلقّى لا تعلّقتبنفسي كثير حول الخطوة أو شدة من العمل, غير أنّ نحن نترقّب ك آراء وإعتبارات على إطلاقا كلّ شيء.

"كان نحن جدّا مسرورة مع النجاح خارق للعادة أنت تلقّيت في رحلتك إلى إكوادور, كولومبيا وبيرو. متى نحن, في كوبا, سنتلقّى الفرصة أن يشارك في العاطفة مخلصة والحرارة مع أيّ [إكدورين], كولومبيّ وبيروفيّات رحّب أنت? "

أثناء أنّ رحلة, الذي مسار أنا كنت قد وصّلت إلى رئيس [ألّند], حياتي كان [ميركلووسلي] وفّرت. أنا مشيت دزينات الأميال قبل حشد ضخمة, يتأهّب الجانب من الطريق. كان الالوكالة المركزيّة للاستخبارات الأمريكيّة قد نظّم ثلاثة أعمال أن يضمن إغتيالي أثناء الرحلة. في مقابلة للصحافة أيّ تلقّى يكون سابقا نسّقت, تلقّى مرتزقات كوبيّة, الذي كان قد دخل شيلية مع جواز سفر فنزويليّ آلة تصوير, زوّد بفنزويليّ تلفزيون مذيعة, يجهّز مع [أوتومتيك وبون]. أخيرا, [ب] هم لم شجاعة بكفاية, هم الذي تلقّى فقط أن يسحب الزناد في أيّ نقطة أثناء المقابلة طويلة, بينما الآلة تصوير كانوا على ي. هم لم يريدوا أن يجازف موت. ماذا يكون أكثر, كان هم قد طاردواني نزولا إلى جميعا حوالي شيلية, حيث هم تلقّى لم [ب] يمكن أن يتلقّىني مثل قريبا وحصينة بما أنّ في أنّ عزم. أنا كنت أن يعلم من التفاصيل من الجبانة عمل فقط سنون فيما بعد. [أوس] كان خدمات خاصّة قد ذهبوا أبعد من ماذا نحن كنّا قد تخيّلنا.

في فبراير - شباط 4, 1972, كتب أنا السلفادور:

"وضعت العناية عظيمة كان داخل يستلم الوفد عسكريّة هنا. كرّس القوات ثوريّة مسلّحة عمليّا كلّ من وقتهم أثناء أنّ أيام أن رعى هو. كان التجميع ودّيّة وأخويّة. كان البرنامج شديدة ومتنوّعة. إنطباعي أنّ قد كان الرحلة إيجابيّة ومفيدة, أنّ هو يكون يمكن وملائمة أن يستمرّ ينظّم هذا تبادلات.

"تكلّم أنا مع أريل حول الفكرة من رحلتك. أنا يستطيع فهمت تماما بئر أنّ العمل شديدة أمام أنت والنغمة من الكفاح سياسيّة في أسابيع أخيرة يتلقّى لم يسمح أنت أن يبرمج الرحلة للتاريخ تقريبيّة نحن ذكرنا على أنّ مناسبة. هو واضحة لم يأخذ نحن تلقّى هذا احتمالات [إينتو كّوونت]. أنّ يوم, على العشية من عودتي إلى كوبا, عندما تعشّى نحن في منزلك في المبكّرة صباح ساعات, يتلقّى بعض وقت وفي الصفة عجلة من العزم, هو كان أعاد ل ي أن يفكّر أنّ نحن ثانية التقينا في كوبا, حيث نحن تلقّينا الفرصة أن يحادث طويلا. ومع ذلك, يؤوي أنا بعد الأمل أنّ أنت يستطيع اعتبرت يبرمج زيارتك ل بعض وقت قبل شهر ماي. أنا أذكر هذا شهر لأنّ, [ميد-مي], في المتأخّرة, أنا ينبغي جعلت رحلة, أيّ يستطيع [نو لونجر] كنت أجّلت, إلى جزائر, جنيه, بلغاريا, أخرى بلاد [سفيت ونيون]. سيطلب هذا رحلة طويلة وقت هامّة.

"أنا جدّا شاكرة لإنطباعاتك على الحالة هناك. يختبر هنا, أكثر يعوّد مع, يهمّ داخل و [فري موش] يتحرّك بالشيلية معامل كلّ يوم, نحن يتبع الأخبار أنّ يبلغنا جدّا بانتباه. اليوم, نحن يستطيع على نحو أفضل فهمت العاطفة وعاطفة أنّ الثورة كوبيّ ينبغي يتلقّى ألهمت في أخرى في البداية. أنت استطاع قلت [ر-ليفينغ] نحن نا خاصّة خبرة, من الخارج.

"في حرفك, أنا يستطيع قدّمت ال [ستت وف ميند] عظيمة, صفاء وشجاعة مع أيّ أنت يكون حدثت أن يجابه التحديات إلى الأمام. وأنّ من الجوهر في أيّ عملية ثوريّة, بشكل خاصّ واحدة ب قام في ال جدّا معقّدة ويصعب شروط من بلد مثل شيلية. أنا انتشلت مع ي إنطباع قوّيّة جدّا من الأخلاقية, ثقافيّة وفضائل إنسانيّة من الالناس شيليّة ومن ه بارزة وطنيّة وعاطفة ثوريّة. قال أنت يتلقّى الفريد امتياز من يكون ه مرشدة في هذا حاسمة نقطة في التاريخ من شيلية وأمريكا, الاكتمال من حياة كاملة يكرّس إلى الكفاح, ك أنت في الملعب مدرّج, يكرّس إلى السبب من الثورة واشتراكيّة. هناك ما من عوائق أنّ يستطيع لا يكون علات. يتحرّك أحد ما ما إن يقول أنّ, في ثورة, واحدة إلى الأمام 'مع جراءة, جراءة وكثير جراءة'. أنا أقنعت من الحقيقة عميقة من أنّ بديهيّة. "

كتب أنا رئيس [ألّند] ثانية في سبتمبر - أيلول 6, 1972:

"أرسل أنا أنت رسالة على أوامر مختلفة مع [بتريز]. عقب ترك هو و, [إين رسبونس تو] الأخبار أنّ بلغنا كلّ أسبوع متأخّرة, نحن قرّرنا أن يرسل رفيقة [أسمني] أن يكرّر استعدادنا أن يساعد في أيّ طريق, و [س ثت] أنت يستطيع وصّلت إلى نا, من خلال ه, إنطباعك من الحالة وأفكارك حول ال يبرمج رحلة إلى هذا وأخرى بلاد. سيكون الذريعة ل [أسمني] رحلة التفتيش من السفارة كوبيّ, غير أنّ هذا لن يكون علنا سيعلن. نحن نريد إقامته هناك أن يكون مثل موجزة ومنفصلة بما أنّ يمكن.

"عمل سابقا جار [ويث رسبكت تو] النقطات أنت جعلت من خلال [بتريز] (...)

"رغم أنّ نحن نكون واعية من الصعوبات حاليّة يواجه بشيلية عملية ثوريّة, نحن واثقة أنت سيجد الطريق أن يقهر هذا.

"أنت يستطيع اعتمدت على نا يشبع تعاون. أخويّة وينصرف تحية ثوريّة من كلّ من نا إلى أنت. "

في يونيو - حزيران 30, 1973, أرسل نحن رئيس [سلفدور] [ألّند] والشعبيّة وحدة أحزاب دعوة رسميّة أن يساهم في المراسم ينظّم أن يحتفل ال [20ث] ذكرى من الهجوم على [مونكدا] حامية.

في آخر حرف, كتبه أنا:

"السلفادور:

"الآنفة الرسميّة, دعوة رسميّة إلى المراسم في إحياء ذكرى من ال [20ث] ذكرى. هو كان هائلة إن أنت استطاع حجلت على إلى كوبا على [ثت دت]. أنت يستطيع تخيّلت ماذا هذا عنى بخصوص سعادة, رضاء وشرف لكوريات. أنا أعرف أنّ يعتمد هذا, أكثر من أيّ شيء, على عملك والحالة هناك. نحن نترك هو, بعد ذلك, إلى إعتبارك.

“We are still under the impact of the great revolutionary victory of the 29th and your brilliant, personal role in the events. It is natural for many difficulties and obstacles to subsist, but I am certain that this first trial, where you have come out successful, will encourage you and consolidate the people's confidence in you. These events have been attached special importance internationally and are considered a great triumph.

“With actions like those of the 29th, the Chilean revolution shall come out victorious of any test, no matter how hard. Again, Cuba is at your side and you can rely on your faithful friends of always."

On July 29, 1973, I wrote him my last letter:

“Dear Salvador:

“With the pretext of discussing matters concerning the meeting of Non-Aligned Countries with you, Carlos and Piñeiro will travel to Chile. The real objective is for you to inform them on the situation and to offer you, as always, the assurance of our willingness to help you face whatever difficulties and dangers stand in the way of the revolutionary process. Their stay will be very brief, as they have much pending work here and, not without sacrificing part of their time, we decided they should make the trip.

“I see that you are now facing the delicate question of a dialogue with the Christian Democrats, in the midst of serious developments, such as the brutal murder of your naval aide-de-camp and the new truck-drivers strike. I can therefore imagine the great tension and your interest in winning time, improving the balance of forces in case the struggle should break out and, if possible, find a path that will allow you to carry the revolutionary process forward without a civil war, as well as assuming your historical responsibility for what could happen. Those are commendable aims. But, should the other side, whose real intentions we are not in a position to assess from here, pursue a treacherous and irresponsible policy and demand a price that the Popular Unity Party and the revolution cannot pay, something which, in fact, is quite likely, do not for a minute forget the formidable strength of Chile's working class and the vigorous support they've shown you at all difficult moments. They can, at your call, defend the revolution in a moment of danger, paralyze the coup officers, impose their conditions on them and decide, once and for all, if it were necessary, Chile's fate. The enemy must be conscious of this fact; they must be on guard and ready to go into action. Its strength and combativeness can tilt the balance of forces in your favor, even when other conditions are not as favorable.

“Your decision to defend the process steadily and honor, at the cost of your own life, which everyone knows you are willing to sacrifice, shall bring all forces capable of fighting and all men and women of honor in Chile to your side. Your courage, serenity and audacity at this historical time for your country and, above all, your firm, resolved and heroic leadership, are crucial in this situation.

“Let Carlos and Manuel know how your loyal Cuban friends can help.

“Let me remind you of Cuba’s affection and unqualified confidence in you.”

I wrote this a month and a half before the coup. The emissaries were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Manuel Piñeiro.

Pinochet had talked with Carlos Rafael. He had feigned the kind of loyalty and firmness sworn by Carlos Prats, Army Commander in Chief for a time under the Popular Unity government, a dignified military man, who the oligarchy and imperialism brought to a total crisis, obliging him to resign, later murdered in Argentina by two DINA henchmen, following the fascist coup of 1973.

I had been mistrustful of Pinochet from the time I read the books on geopolitics he gave me as a gift during my visit to Chile and had the opportunity to observe his style up close, his declarations and the methods, as Army Chief, that he used when the provocations from the Right obliged President Allende to decree a state of siege in Santiago de Chile. I recalled what Marx had forewarned in the 18th Brumaire.

Many Army chiefs in the different regions and their general staffs wanted to converse with me wherever I was and showed considerable interest in issues related to our war of liberation and the experience of the Missile Crisis in 1962. The meetings, which lasted hours, would be held in the early morning, which was the only time I had available. I would agree to these to help Allende, to familiarize them with the idea that socialism was not an enemy of armed institutions. Pinochet, as a military leader, was not an exception. Allende considered those meetings useful.

On September 11, 1973, he died heroically, defending the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. He fought like a tiger until his last breath.

The revolutionaries who stood up to the fascist onslaught there would later recount incredible stories about those last moments. Their versions didn’t always agree, for they fought at different parts of the Palace. Also, some of their closest collaborators perished or were later assassinated during the intense and unequal battle.

The difference in the testimonies consisted in the fact that some affirmed he had fired his last shots at himself to avoid being taken prisoner and others that his death was brought about by enemy fire. The Palace was up in flames as a result of an attack perpetrated by tanks and planes which sought to consummate a coup they had considered an easy task that would meet with no resistance. There is no contradiction whatsoever between these two ways of answering the call of duty. In our wars of independence, there is more than one example of illustrious combatants who, when defeat was imminent, took their own lives to avoid falling prisoners.

Much remains to be said about what we were willing to do for Allende. Some have written about this, but it is not the aim of these lines.

Allende was born one hundred years ago today. His example shall live on.



Fidel Castro Ruz

June 26, 2008

6:34 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)