Reflections of Fidel:



SEVEN days ago I wrote about one of the great men in history: Salvador Allende, a man the world remembered with deep emotion and respect on his first centennial. However, no one quivered or even recalled the date of October 24, 1891, when the Dominican despot Rafael Leonidas Trujillo was born, eighteen years before our admired Chilean brother.

Both countries, one in the Caribbean and the other in the extreme south of Latin America, suffered the consequences of the danger that Jose Marti foresaw and tried to avert. As he indicated in his celebrated posthumous letter to his Mexican friend who had fought with Juarez, --and this is an idea I never tire of repeating: "Now, I am everyday in danger of giving my life…to timely prevent with the independence of Cuba that the United States expand over the Antilles and that, with that additional force, they may come against our American lands. Everything I’ve done until today, and everything I’ll do, is for that purpose."

Our victorious Revolution was a friend of Allende, at the same time it hated Trujillo. This was an uncouth Pinochet begotten by the United States in the Caribbean. The despot had been the result of one of the Yankees’ military interventions in the island that country shares with Haiti, a country which was the first Spanish colony.

The American Navy infantry had invaded that sister republic to secure its country’s economic and strategic interests. Of course, there was not even a Platt Amendment there to cover up the action with a legal mantle.

In 1918, they recruited, among others, the adventurous and ambitious native Dominican, the son of a small merchant, who was then trained and admitted, as a 27-year old, to the National Army. In 1921, he went on to another training course with the Military Academy established by the country’s occupants. After he finished there, he was appointed unit chief and promoted to the rank of Captain for the services paid to the interventionist forces, although he was not previously a Lieutenant.

At the end of the Yankee occupation in 1924, Trujillo was ready to act as an instrument of the United States in high posts in the military, which he would use to deal the classic coup d’etat and the typical "democratic elections" leading him to the presidency of the republic in 1930. The beginning of his term coincided with the years of the Great Depression that hit the US economy so badly.

Cuba, the country most dependent and shackled by the trade agreements, stood to suffer the most severe consequences of that crisis. On the other hand, the Naval Base and the humiliating and unwarranted for Amendment would give them constitutional rights to intervene in our nation and to tear to pieces it glorious history.

In the neighboring country, with less direct economic dependence, the shrewd and ambitious Trujillo handled whimsically the properties of the Dominican middle class and the oligarchy. The major sugar mills and many other branches of industry became his private property. That cult to private appropriation did not offend the capitalist concepts of the empire. Many neon signs claimed everywhere "God and Trujillo." Many cities, avenues, roads and buildings were named after him or his relatives. The same year he became President, a hurricane hit hard on Santo Domingo, the country’s capital. After the city recovered from the damages, he renamed it Trujillo City. Never before had the world known such a personality cult.

In the year 1937, he carried out along the border a huge massacre of Haitian workers. This was his reserve labor force in agriculture and construction.

He was a steady US ally. He was involved in the inception of both the United Nations and the OAS in 1948. On December 15, 1952, he traveled to Washington in his other capacity as plenipotentiary ambassador to the Organization of American States and stayed in that country for three and a half months. On July 2, 1954, he traveled to Spain on board a transatlantic ship which took him to Vigo. Franco, who was already an ally of the empire, welcomed him at the Madrid North Station accompanied by all members of the diplomatic corp.

My relationship with the Dominican Republic dates back to my days at the University. I had been honored with an appointment to President of the Committee for Dominican Democracy. It did not sound as a very important position, but since I was kind of rebellious, I took it seriously. The time to do something came up unexpectedly. The Dominican exiled fostered in Cuba the creation of an expeditionary force. I enlisted with it when I had not yet completed my sophomore. I was 21 years old.

I have told the story before of what happened then. After the frustrated Cayo Confites expedition, I was not among the over one thousand prisoners taken to the Columbia military camp, where Juan Bosch went on a hunger strike. These men had been incarcerated by the Head of the Army in Cuba, General Perez Dameras, who had received money from Trujillo to intercept the expedition. The General did this when the expeditionary were close to the Wind Passage.

A Cuban Navy frigate, aiming with its bow cannons at our leading boat, ordered us to return and to dock at the Antilla’s port. I then jump into the water of the Nipe Bay together with three other expeditionary. We were four armed men.

I had met Juan Bosch, an outstanding Dominican leader, in Cayo Confites, where we trained, and we talked at length. He was not the chief of the expedition but he was certainly the most prestigious personality among the Dominicans, even if he was ignored by some of the main leaders of that movement and by the Cuban chieftains who had rather important and well paid official relations. I was then very far from even imagining this that I’m writing today!

Eleven years later, when our fight on the Sierra Maestra Mountains was about to successfully conclude, Trujillo granted a credit to Batista to buy weapons and ammunitions, which were brought by plane in the second quarter of 1958. He also volunteered to airborne three thousand Dominican troops, and later another force that would land in Oriente.

Batista’s tyranny was defeated on January 1st, 1959, thanks to the hard blows dealt by the Rebel Army and the revolutionary general strike. The repressive state came crumbling down all throughout the island and Batista left for the Dominican Republic. He traveled there in the company of other sinister characters of that regime such as the well known thug Lutgardo Martin Perez, his 25-year old son Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez, and a group of the top military chiefs of his defeated army.

Trujillo offered Batista a warm welcome and accommodated him at an official residence for distinguished guest, although he later sent him to a luxurious hotel. He was concerned over the example of the Cuban Revolution, therefore, he counted on the top chiefs of Batista’s former army and the likely support of the tens of thousands of members of the three army branches and the police, to organize a counterrevolution and support it with the Caribbean Legion, which might have had about 25 thousand soldiers from the Dominican Army.

The US Administration, being aware of these plans, sent a CIA officer to Santo Domingo to talk with Trujillo and assess his plans against Cuba. By midst February 1959, this man met with John Abbes Garcia, head of the Dominican Intelligence services to whom he recommended to send agents to recruit hostile elements in the ranks of the victorious Revolution. He did not say that the US government already had William Alexander Morgan Ruderth, an American citizen and CIA agent, who had infiltrated the Second Front in the Escambray, a man they had promoted to the rank of Commander and who was one of the main chiefs there.

The development of these events, which make for a fascinating story, can be found in the books of senior Cuban Intelligence and Security officers, in the testimonies of leaders of military units of the Rebel Army who were directly involved, in autobiographies, official statements made in those days and reports by national and foreign journalists, all of whom it would be impossible to mention in this Reflection.

There is another book in the process of publication written by a comrade who joined the Militias when he was 17, and who for his good conduct and sharp mind was then transferred to the Prime Minister’s and Commander in Chief’s security detail where he studied to become a stenographer, then took notes of the conversations and collected the testimony of hundreds of participants in the events he narrates. This chapter of the history of our Revolution has yet to be recounted.

As is understood, the top revolutionary leaders were constantly informed of the news about the enemy’s plans. We then conceived the idea of dealing the Yankee’s, Batista’s and Trujillo’s counterrevolution a hard blow.

When the weapons sent by sea from Florida to carry out the first actions and the chiefs and plotters were all under strict control, we simulated a successful counterrevolution in the mountainous Escambray zone, and in Trinidad, which had an airstrip. We then proceeded to isolate the municipality of that small and friendly town where revolutionary political work was intensified.

Trujillo was full of enthusiasm. A company of our soldiers disguised as peasants shouted at the airstrip: "Long live Trujillo! Down with Fidel!" which was reported to headquarters in the Dominican Republic. They had dropped plenty of ammunitions from planes. Everything was unfolding according to plan.

On August 13th, a plane came in with a special envoy from Trujillo. It was Luis del Pozo Jimenez, the son of a former mayor and Batista follower in the capital and a prominent figure with the regime. He pointed out on a map the positions that would be bombed by the Dominican Air Force and inquired about the number of legionnaires necessary in the first stage.

Another notable envoy came with him. It was Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez who, as we have already indicated, had traveled with his father and Batista as they escaped to the Dominican Republic that January 1st. He was accompanied by several mercenary leaders who would stay behind. The plane had to go back. Its crew was the same that had carried Batista when he ran away.

I was in the proximity of the airstrip with Camilo Cienfuegos and other military chiefs. The head of the Cuban military personnel who had to unload the weapons and communication equipment had understood that they should arrest the aircraft crew. At this point, a copilot realized that something was wrong shot on them and a shootout ensued. Trujillo’s envoys and the other mercenary chiefs were then arrested. There were casualties.

That same night I visited the wounded from both sides. We couldn’t go ahead with the plan. Up until then, communications between Trujillo and the counterrevolution in the Escambray had taken place through short wave. Trujillos’s official radio station broadcast triumphant military reports similar to those we would hear from Radio Swan and Miami in the days of Giron. We never used Cuba’s public stations to spread false official reports.

It would have been possible to continue with the game even after the plane had been seized and Luis del Pozo Jimenez and Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez were arrested. We could have faked a mechanic failure of the plane that should have returned there, but that would have misled and confused our people, which were by then restless over the news about the alleged counterrevolutionary victories in Escambray publicly spread from Trujillo City.

That August 13, 1959 was my 33rd birthday. I was in my prime, physically and mentally strong.

It was a major revolutionary victory, but at the same time a signal about the times that would come and a sad gift from Rafael Leonidas Trujillo on my anniversary. Twenty months later we would be fighting at Giron; there would be violence and bloodshed in the Escambray, by the sea shore, in towns and all over the country. It was the counterrevolution organized by the United States.

In that country they would have executed Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez and Luis del Pozo Jimenez, as mercenaries in the service of an enemy power. The Revolutionary Courts sentenced them to prison, and they were not mistreated. What was the final destiny of Martin Perez? He migrated to the United States, legally, and he is today a standard bearer of the Cuban American terrorist Mafia which supports Republican candidate McCain.

A distinguished Canadian journalist and researcher, Jean-Guy Allard, describes the terrorist life of Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez as follows:

"…in fact, since early in his life, ‘Macho’ (his nickname) Martin Perez joined the Batista police and, for his special merits, that is, his beating of the prisoners in the last months of the bloody regime, he earned the rank of Sergeant.

"Both, the father and son were so close to Batista that, on January 1st, 1959, instead of running away to Miami, they followed the dictator to his sanctuary in the Dominican Republic.

"…released on May 29, 1987…in 1989 he joined the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) established by the CIA under Ronald Reagan.

"He would very soon be leading the paramilitary committee created by this organization which ensures the financing, among others, of the terrorist group Alpha 66 and other extremist groups acting against Cuba.

"…Martin Perez Rodriguez took part in the arrangement of a series of failed attempts on the life the President of Cuba during various Ibero American Summits.

"In 1994, on the occasion of Fidel’s attendance to the 4th Summit, in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia… he purchased a 50 mm Barret gun and explosives which were transferred to Colombia from Miami…by plane!

"…he plotted with Jimenez Escobedo and Eugenio LLameras with a view to the 5th Ibero American Summit in 1995. That year, he revived the same plan for the Non Aligned Movement Summit, also in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia.

"In 1997, at Margarita Island, Venezuela, on the occasion of the 7th Ibero American Summit of Heads of Sate and Government, Posada mounted another conspiracy with direct support from Martin Perez Rodriguez and other leaders of CANF…"

"…he signed the Declaration of support for terrorism against Cuba published by the Foundation on August 11th…Roberto Martin Perez, Feliciano Foyo and Horacio Garcia are some of the people Posada publicly named as the ‘financiers’ of his terrorist actions during his interview with the New York Times in 1997.

"…he sponsored in Miami an exhibition of paintings by [Orlando] Bosch and Posada [Carriles], the two masterminds of the sabotage against the Cuban civilian plane, in 1976, where 73 people were killed.

"In 1998, the great advocate of the ‘political prisoner’ carried out one of his dirtiest deeds: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

L'histoire vraie et le défi des journalistes cubains
Automatically translated into French thanks to WorldLingo
Réflexions de Fidel :



Il y a SEPT jours j'ai écrit environ un des grands hommes dans l'histoire : Salvador Allende, un homme le monde rappelé avec l'émotion et le respect profonds sur son premier centennal. Cependant, personne n'ont tremblé ou même ont rappelé la date du 24 octobre 1891, quand le despote dominicain Rafaël Leonidas Trujillo est né, dix-huit ans avant notre frère chilien admiré.

Les deux pays, un dans les Caraïbes et l'autre dans les sud extrêmes de l'Amérique latine, ont souffert les conséquences du danger que Jose Marti a prévu et a essayé pour éviter. Comme il a indiqué dans sa lettre posthume célébrée à son ami mexicain qui avait combattu avec Juarez, --et ce n'est jamais un pneu de l'idée I de la répétition : « Maintenant, je suis journalier en danger de donner ma vie… à opportun empêche avec l'indépendance du Cuba que les Etats-Unis augmentent au-dessus des Antilles et que, avec cette force additionnelle, ils peuvent venir contre nos terres américaines. Tout ce que que j'ai fait jusqu'à aujourd'hui, et tout ce je ferai, suis dans ce but. « 

Notre révolution victorieuse était un ami d'Allende, en même temps il a détesté Trujillo. C'était un Pinochet grossier engendré par les Etats-Unis dans les Caraïbes. Le despote avait été le résultat d'un des interventions militaires de Yankees' en île que le pays partage avec le Haïti, un pays qui était la première colonie espagnole.

L'infanterie américaine de marine avait envahi cette république de soeur pour fixer ses intérêts économiques et stratégiques du pays. Naturellement, il n'y avait pas même un amendement de Platt là à dissimuler l'action de manteau légal.

En 1918, ils ont recruté, entre d'autres, le dominicain indigène aventureux et ambitieux, le fils d'un petit négociant, qui a été alors formé et admis, comme 27 ans - vieux, à l'armée nationale. En 1921, il a continué à un autre cours de formation avec l'académie militaire établie par les occupants du pays. Après qu'il ait fini là, il a été nommé chef d'unité et promu au rang du capitaine pour les services payés aux forces d'interventionniste, bien qu'il n'ait pas été précédemment un lieutenant.

À la fin du métier de Yankee en 1924, Trujillo était prêt à agir en tant qu'instrument des Etats-Unis dans des poteaux élevés dans les militaires, qu'il avait l'habitude de s'occuper le coup d'état classique et « les élections démocratiques » typiques le menant à la présidence de la république en 1930. Le commencement de sa limite a coïncidé avec les années de la grande dépression qui a frappé l'économie des USA tellement mal.

Le Cuba, de pays la personne à charge plus et shackled par les accords commerciaux, tenus pour souffrir les conséquences les plus graves de cette crise. D'une part, la base navale et humilier et le sans garantie pour l'amendement leur donneraient des droits constitutionnels d'intervenir dans notre nation et de la déchirer aux morceaux histoire glorieuse.

Dans le pays voisin, avec moins dirigez la dépendance économique, le judicieux et Trujillo ambitieux a manipulé whimsically les propriétés de la bourgeoisie dominicaine et de l'oligarchie. Les moulins à cannes principaux et beaucoup d'autres branches d'industrie sont devenus sa propriété privée. Ce culte à l'appropriation privée n'a pas offensé les concepts de capitaliste de l'empire. Beaucoup de signes au néon ont réclamé partout « Dieu et Trujillo. » Beaucoup de villes, avenues, routes et bâtiments ont été baptisés du nom de lui ou de ses parents. La même année il est devenu président, un ouragan frappé dur sur Santo Domingo, le capital du pays. Après que la ville ait récupéré des dommages, il l'a retitrée ville de Trujillo. Jamais avant a eu le monde connu un tel culte de personnalité.

En l'année 1937, il a effectué le long de la frontière un massacre énorme des ouvriers haïtiens. C'était sa main-d'oeuvre de réservation dans l'agriculture et la construction.

Il était un allié régulier des USA. Il a été impliqué dans le commencement des Nations Unies et des OAS en 1948. Le 15 décembre 1952, il a voyagé à Washington en son autre qualité d'ambassadeur plénipotentiaire à l'organisation des états américains et est resté dans ce pays pour trois et une moitié de mois. Le 2 juillet 1954, il a voyagé en Espagne à bord d'un bateau transatlantique qui l'a porté à Vigo. Franco, qui était déjà un allié de l'empire, lui a souhaité la bienvenue à la station du nord de Madrid accompagnée de tous les membres de la corp. diplomatique.

Mon rapport avec la République Dominicaine remonte à mes jours à l'université. J'avais été honoré d'une nomination au président du Comité pour la démocratie dominicaine. Il n'a pas retenti comme position très importante, mais puisque j'étais genre de rebelle, je l'ai pris sérieusement. L'heure de faire quelque chose a été soulevée inopinément. Le dominicain exilé stimulé au Cuba la création d'une force expéditionnaire. J'ai enrôlé avec lui quand je n'avais pas encore accompli mon étudiant en deuxième année. J'étais 21 années.

J'ai dit l'histoire avant de ce qui s'est produit alors. Après l'expédition frustrée de Cayo Confites, je n'étais pas parmi plus de mille prisonniers portés au camp militaire de Colombie, où Juan Bosch a fait une grève de faim. Ces hommes avaient été incarcérés par le chef de l'armée au Cuba, le Général Perez Dameras, qui avait reçu l'argent de Trujillo pour arrêter l'expédition. Le général a fait ceci quand l'expéditionnaire étaient près du passage de vent.

Une frégate cubaine de marine, visant avec ses canons d'arc notre principal bateau, nous a commandés retourner et nous accoupler au port de l'Antilla. Je saute alors dans l'eau du compartiment de Nipe ainsi que trois autres expéditionnaires. Nous étions quatre hommes armés.

J'avais rencontré Juan Bosch, un chef dominicain exceptionnel, dans Cayo Confites, où nous nous sommes exercés, et nous avons parlé longuement. Il n'était pas le chef en expédition mais il était certainement la personnalité la plus prestigieuse parmi les dominicains, même si il était ignoré par certains des chefs principaux de ce mouvement et par les chefs de clan cubains qui ont eu des relations officielles payées plutôt importantes et bonnes. J'étais alors très loin d'imaginer même ceci que j'écris aujourd'hui !

Onze ans après, quand notre combat sur la sierra montagnes de Maestra était sur le point de conclure avec succès, Trujillo a accordé un crédit à Batista pour acheter des armes et des ammunitions, qui ont été apportés en avion dans le deuxième trimestre de 1958. Il a également offert à des trois mille troupes dominicaines aéroportées, et plus tard à une force différente qui débarquerait dans Oriente.

La tyrannie de Batista a été défaite le 1er janvier 1959, grâce aux coups durs occupés par l'armée rebelle et la grève révolutionnaire. L'état répressif est venu s'émiettant en bas de tous dans toute l'île et le Batista à gauche pour la République Dominicaine. Il a voyagé là à la compagnie d'autres caractères sinistres de ce régime tels que le gangster bien connu Lutgardo Martin Perez, son 25 ans - vieux fils Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez, et un groupe des chefs militaires supérieurs de son armée défaite.

Trujillo a offert à Batista un accueil chaleureux et lui a adapté à une résidence officielle pour l'invité distingué, bien qu'il plus tard l'ait envoyé à un hôtel luxueux. Il a été préoccupé par l'exemple de la révolution cubaine, donc, il a compté sur les chefs supérieurs de l'ancienne armée de Batista et l'appui probable des dizaines de milliers de membres des trois branches d'armée et de la police, pour organiser une contre-révolution et pour la soutenir avec la légion des Caraïbes, qui pourrait avoir eu environ 25 mille soldats de l'armée dominicaine.

L'administration des USA, se rendant compte de ces plans, envoyé un dirigeant de CIA à Santo Domingo parler avec Trujillo et évaluer ses plans contre le Cuba. Par milieu le février 1959, cet homme a rencontré John Abbes Garcia, chef des services d'intelligence dominicains à qui il a recommandé d'envoyer des agents aux éléments hostiles de recrue dans les grades de la révolution victorieuse. Il n'a pas dit que le gouvernement des USA a déjà eu William Alexandre Morgan Ruderth, un citoyen américain et l'agent de CIA, qui avait infiltré le deuxième avant dans l'Escambray, un homme qu'ils avaient promu au rang du commandant et qui était l'un des chefs principaux là.

Le développement de ces événements, qui conduisent à une histoire fascinante, peut être trouvé dans les livres des dirigeants cubains aînés d'intelligence et de sécurité, dans les témoignages des chefs des unités militaires de l'armée rebelle ont été directement impliqués, en autobiographies, des rapports officiels faits en ces jours et des rapports par les journalistes nationaux et étrangers, dont toute la qui il serait impossible de mentionner par cette réflexion.

Il y a un autre livre en cours de publication écrite par un camarade qui a joint les milices quand il avait 17 ans, et qui pour sa bonne conduite et esprit pointu a été alors transféré au premier ministre et au commandant dans le détail de la sécurité de chef où il a étudié pour devenir un sténographe, alors a pris des notes des conversations et a rassemblé le témoignage des centaines de participants aux événements qu'il relate. Ce chapitre de l'histoire de notre révolution a pour être raconté encore.

Comme est compris, les chefs révolutionnaires supérieurs étaient constamment au courant des nouvelles au sujet des plans de l'ennemi. Nous avons alors conçu l'idée de s'occuper la contre-révolution de Yankee, de Batista et de Trujillo un coup dur.

Quand toutes les armes envoyées par la mer de la Floride pour effectuer les premières actions et les chefs et les tables traçantes étaient sous la commande stricte, nous avons simulé une contre-révolution réussie dans la zone montagneuse d'Escambray, et au Trinidad, qui a eu une piste d'atterrissage. Nous avons alors procédé isoler la municipalité de la petite et amicale ville de cela où le travail politique révolutionnaire a été intensifié.

Trujillo était plein de l'enthousiasme. Une compagnie de nos soldats déguisés comme paysans a crié à la piste d'atterrissage : « Long Trujillo de phase ! Vers le bas avec Fidel ! « qui a été rapporté aux sièges sociaux en République Dominicaine. Ils avaient laissé tomber l'abondance des ammunitions des avions. Tout dévoilait selon les la prévisions.

Le 13 août, un avion est entré avec un délégué spécial de Trujillo. C'était Luis del Pozo Jimenez, le fils d'un anciens maire et disciple de Batista dans la capitale et une figure en avant avec le régime. Il a précisé sur une carte les positions qui seraient bombardées par l'Armée de l'Air dominicaine et enquises au sujet du nombre de légionnaires nécessaires dans la première étape.

Un autre délégué notable est venu avec lui. C'était Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez qui, comme nous avons déjà indiqué, avait voyagé avec son père et Batista pendant qu'ils s'échappaient en République Dominicaine qui 1er janvier. Il a été accompagné de plusieurs chefs de mercennaire qui resteraient derrière. L'avion a dû retourner. Son servez d'équipier était les mêmes qui avaient porté Batista quand il a couru loin.

J'étais dans la proximité de la piste d'atterrissage avec Camilo Cienfuegos et d'autres chefs militaires. Le chef du personnel militaire cubain qui a dû décharger les armes et le matériel de transmission avait compris qu'ils devraient arrêter l'avion servent d'équipier. En ce moment, un co-pilote s'est rendu compte que quelque chose était projectile faux sur eux et un échange de tirs s'est ensuivi. Les délégués de Trujillo et les autres chefs de mercennaire ont été alors arrêtés. Il y avait des accidents.

Que la même nuit j'ai visité le blessé des deux côtés. Nous ne pourrions pas aller en avant de pair avec le plan. Vers le haut de jusque-là, les communications entre Trujillo et la contre-révolution dans l'Escambray avaient eu lieu par la vague courte. Rapports militaires triomphants d'émission par radio officielle de la station de Trujillos semblables à ceux que nous entendrions du cygne et de Miami par radio en jours de Giron. Nous n'avions jamais l'habitude les stations publiques du Cuba pour écarter des rapports officiels faux.

Il aurait été possible de continuer le jeu même après que l'avion avait été saisi et Luis del Pozo Jimenez et Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez ont été arrêtés. Nous pourrions avoir truqué un échec de mécanicien de l'avion qui devrait être retourné là, mais qui aurait trompé et avait confondu nos personnes, qui étaient d'ici là agitées au-dessus des nouvelles au sujet des victoires contre-révolutionnaires alléguées dans Escambray publiquement écartent de la ville de Trujillo.

Le ce 13 août 1959 était mon trente-troisième anniversaire. J'étais dans ma perfection, physiquement et mentalement fort.

C'était une victoire révolutionnaire importante, mais en même temps un signal au sujet des temps qui viendraient et un cadeau triste de Rafaël Leonidas Trujillo sur mon anniversaire. Vingt mois plus tard nous combattrions chez Giron ; il y aurait violence et de carnage dans l'Escambray, par le rivage de mer, aux villes et partout à la campagne. C'était la contre-révolution organisée par les Etats-Unis.

Dans ce pays ils auraient exécuté Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez et Luis del Pozo Jimenez, car des mercennaires dans le service d'une puissance ennemie. Les cours révolutionnaires les ont condamnés à la prison, et elles n'ont pas été maltraitées. Quel était le destin final de Martin Perez ? Il a émigré aux Etats-Unis, légalement, et il est aujourd'hui un porteur standard de la Mafia américaine cubaine de terroriste qui soutient le candidat républicain McCain.

Un journaliste et un chercheur canadiens distingués, Jean-Type Allard, décrit la vie de terroriste de Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez comme suit :

« … en fait, depuis tôt dedans sa vie, `' (son surnom) Martin macho Perez a joint la police de Batista et, pour ses mérites spéciaux, c'est-à-dire, son battement des prisonniers en derniers mois du régime sanglant, il a gagné le rang du sergent.

« Tous les deux, le père et le fils étaient ainsi près de Batista qui, le 1er janvier 1959, au lieu de courir loin à Miami, ils a suivi le dictateur à son sanctuaire en République Dominicaine.

« … libéré le 29 mai 1987… en 1989 il a joint la base nationale américaine cubaine (CANF) établie par la CIA sous Ronald Reagan.

« Il mènerait très bientôt le comité paramilitaire créé par cette organisation qui assure le financement, entre d'autres, de l'alpha 66 de groupe de terroriste et d'autres groupes extrémistes agissant contre le Cuba.

« … Martin Perez Rodriguez a participé à l'arrangement d'une série de tentatives échouées la vie le président du Cuba pendant de divers sommets d'Américain d'Ibero.

« En 1994, à l'occasion de l'assistance de Fidel au 4ème sommet, à Carthagène de Indias, Colombie… il a acheté un pistolet et les explosifs de Barret de 50 millimètres qui ont été transférés en Colombie à partir de Miami… en avion !

« … il a tracé avec Jimenez Escobedo et Eugenio LLameras en vue du 5ème sommet américain d'Ibero en 1995. Qu'année, il a rétabli le même plan pour le sommet non aligné de mouvement, aussi à Carthagène de Indias, Colombie.

« En 1997, à l'île de Margarita, Venezuela, à l'occasion du 7ème sommet américain d'Ibero des têtes de assouvissez et gouvernement, Posada a monté une autre conspiration avec l'appui direct de Martin Perez Rodriguez et d'autres chefs de CANF… »

« … il a signé la déclaration du soutien du terrorisme contre le Cuba édité par la base le 11 août… Roberto Martin Perez, Feliciano Foyo et Horacio Garcia sont une partie du peuple Posada publiquement appelé en tant que financiers de `' de ses actions de terroriste pendant son entrevue avec des temps de New York en 1997.

« … il a commandité à Miami une exposition des peintures par [Orlando] Bosch et Posada [Carriles], les deux esprits supérieures du sabotage contre l'avion civil cubain, en 1976, où 73 personnes ont été tuées.

« En 1998, le grand avocat du prisonnier politique de `' a effectué un de ses contrats plus sales : with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

La historia verdadera y el desafío de los periodistas cubanos
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
Reflexiones de Fidel:



Hace SIETE días escribí cerca de uno de los grandes hombres en historia: Salvador Allende, hombre el mundo recordado con la emoción y el respecto profundos en su primer centenario. Sin embargo, nadie temblaron o aún recordaron la fecha del 24 de octubre de 1891, cuando el despot dominicano Rafael Leonidas Trujillo nació, dieciocho años antes de nuestro hermano chileno admirado.

Ambos países, uno en el Caribe y el otro en el sur extremo de América latina, sufrieron las consecuencias del peligro que Jose Marti previo e intentó para evitar. Como él indicó en su letra posthumous celebrada a su amigo mexicano que había luchado con Juarez, --y esto nunca es un neumático de la idea I de la repetición: “Ahora, soy diario en el peligro de dar mi vida… a oportuno prevengo con la independencia de Cuba que los Estados Unidos amplían sobre las Antillas y que, con esa fuerza adicional, pueden venir contra nuestras tierras americanas. Todo que he hecho hasta hoy, y todo haré, estoy para ese propósito. “

Nuestra revolución victoriosa era un amigo de Allende, al mismo tiempo él odió Trujillo. Esto era un uncouth Pinochet begotten por los Estados Unidos en el Caribe. El despot había sido el resultado de uno las intervenciones militares del Yankees' en la isla que el país comparte con Haití, un país que era la primera colonia española.

La infantería americana de la marina de guerra había invadido esa república de la hermana para asegurar sus intereses económicos y estratégicos del país. Por supuesto, no había uniforme una enmienda de Platt allí a cubrir encima de la acción con una capa legal.

En 1918, reclutaron, entre otros, a Dominican nativo adventurero y ambicioso, el hijo de un comerciante pequeño, que después fue entrenado y admitido, como 27 años - viejos, al ejército nacional. En 1921, él se encendió a otro curso de aprendizaje con la academia militar establecida por los inquilinos del país. Después de que él acabara allí, lo designaron jefe de la unidad y fueron promovido a la fila del capitán para los servicios pagados a las fuerzas del intervencionista, aunque él no era previamente un teniente.

En el final de la ocupación de Yankee en 1924, Trujillo era listo actuar como instrumento de los Estados Unidos en altos postes en los militares, que él utilizaría repartir el golpe de estado clásico y las “elecciones democráticas típicas” que lo conducen a la presidencia de la república en 1930. El principio de su término coincidió con los años de la gran depresión que golpeó la economía de los E.E.U.U. tan gravemente.

Cuba, del país el dependiente más y shackled por los acuerdos comerciales, parados para sufrir las consecuencias más severas de esa crisis. Por otra parte, la base naval y la humillación y el injustificable para la enmienda les darían las derechas constitucionales de intervenir en nuestra nación y de rasgarla a los pedazos historia gloriosa.

En el país vecino, con menos dirija la dependencia económica, el astuto y Trujillo ambicioso manejó whimsically las características de la clase media dominicana y de la oligarquía. Los trapiches principales y muchos otros ramas de la industria se convirtieron en su característica privada. Ese culto a la apropiación privada no ofendió los conceptos del capitalista del imperio. Muchas muestras de neón demandaron por todas partes el “dios y Trujillo.” Muchas ciudades, avenidas, caminos y edificios fueron nombrados después de él o de sus parientes. El mismo año él hizo presidente, un huracán golpeado difícilmente en Santo Domingo, el capital del país. Después de que la ciudad se recuperara de los daños, él la retituló ciudad de Trujillo. Nunca antes tenía el mundo sabido tal culto de la personalidad.

En el año 1937, él realizó a lo largo de la frontera una masacre enorme de trabajadores haitianos. Ésta era su mano de obra de la reserva en agricultura y la construcción.

Él era un aliado constante de los E.E.U.U. Él estuvo implicado en el inicio de los Naciones Unidas y del OAS en 1948. El 15 de diciembre de 1952, él viajó a Washington en su otra capacidad como embajador plenipotenciario a la organización de estados americanos y permanecía por la mitad ese país para tres y los meses. El 2 de julio de 1954, él viajó a España a bordo de una nave transatlántica que lo llevó a Vigo. Franco, que era ya un aliado del imperio, le dio la bienvenida en la estación del norte de Madrid acompañada por todos los miembros de la corporación diplomática.

Mi relación con la República Dominicana dató de mis días en la universidad. Me habían honrado con una cita al presidente del comité para la democracia dominicana. No sonaba como posición muy importante, pero puesto que era clase de rebellious, la tomé seriamente. La época de hacer algo subió inesperado. El dominicano exiliado fomentado en Cuba la creación de una fuerza expedicionaria. Alisté con él cuando todavía no había terminado a mi estudiante de segundo año. Era 21 años.

He contado la historia antes de qué entonces sucedió. Después de la expedición frustrada de Cayo Confites, no estaba entre sobre mil presos llevados al campo militar de Colombia, adonde Juan Bosch fue en una huelga de hambre. Estos hombres incarcerated por la cabeza del ejército en Cuba, general Perez Dameras, que había recibido el dinero de Trujillo para interceptar a la expedición. El general hizo esto cuando el expedicionarios estaban cerca del paso del viento.

Una fragata cubano de la marina de guerra, apuntando con sus cañones del arco a nuestro barco principal, nos ordenó volver y atracar en el puerto del Antilla. Entonces salto en el agua de la bahía de Nipe junto con tres otro expedicionario. Éramos cuatro hombres armados.

Había satisfecho a Juan Bosch, líder dominicano excepcional, en Cayo Confites, donde entrenamos, y hablamos largamente. Él no era el jefe de la expedición sino que él era ciertamente la personalidad más prestigiosa entre los Dominicans, a los caciques cubanos aunque lo no hizo caso por algunos de los líderes principales de ese movimiento y que tenían relaciones oficiales pagadas algo importantes y bien. ¡Estaba entonces muy lejos incluso de imaginar esto que estoy escribiendo hoy!

Once años más adelante, cuando nuestra lucha en el Sierra montañas de Maestra era alrededor concluir con éxito, Trujillo concedió un crédito a Batista para comprar las armas y los ammunitions, que fueron traídos por el plano en el segundo trimestre de 1958. Él también se ofreció voluntariamente a las tres mil tropas dominicanas aerotransportadas, y más adelante a otra fuerza que aterrizaría en Oriente.

La tiranía de Batista fue derrotada el 1 de enero de 1959, los gracias a los soplos duros repartidos por el ejército rebelde y la huelga general revolucionaria. El estado represivo vino desmenuzándose abajo de todos a través de la isla y del Batista a la izquierda para la República Dominicana. Él viajó allí en la compañía de otros caracteres siniestros de ese régimen tales como el gamberro bien conocido Lutgardo Martin Perez, su 25 años - viejo hijo Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez, y grupo de los jefes militares superiores de su ejército derrotado.

Batista ofrecido Trujillo una recepción caliente y acomodado le en una residencia oficial para la huésped distinguida, aunque él lo envió más adelante a un hotel lujoso. Él fue referido sobre el ejemplo de la revolución cubano, por lo tanto, él contó en los jefes superiores del ejército anterior de Batista y la ayuda probable de los diez de millares de miembros de los tres ramas del ejército y del policía, para organizar un counterrevolution y para apoyarlo con la legión del Caribe, que pudo haber tenido cerca de 25 mil soldados del ejército dominicano.

La administración de los E.E.U.U., estando enterado de estos planes, enviado un oficial de la Cia a Santo Domingo hablar con Trujillo y determinar sus planes contra Cuba. Por el medio el febrero de 1959, este hombre satisfizo con Juan Abbes Garcia, jefe de los servicios de inteligencia dominicanos a los cuales él recomendó enviar agentes a los elementos hostiles del recluta en las filas de la revolución victoriosa. Él no dijo que el gobierno de los E.E.U.U. tenía ya Guillermo Alexander Morgan Ruderth, ciudadano americano y el agente de la Cia, que habían infiltrado el segundo frente en el Escambray, un hombre que habían promovido a la fila del comandante y que era uno de los jefes principales allí.

El desarrollo de estos acontecimientos, que hacen para una historia fascinadora, se puede encontrar en los libros de los oficiales cubanos mayores de la inteligencia y de seguridad, en los testimonios de los líderes de unidades militares del ejército rebelde quien estuvieron implicados directamente, en autobiografías, las declaraciones oficiales hechas en esos días y los informes por los periodistas nacionales y extranjeros, todo el quién sería imposible mencionar en esta reflexión.

Hay otro libro en curso de publicación escrita por un camarada que ensambló a milicias cuando él era 17, y que para su buena conducta y mente aguda entonces fue transferido al primer ministro y al comandante en el detalle de la seguridad del jefe donde él estudió para convertirse un taquígrafo, después tomó las notas de las conversaciones y recogió el testimonio de centenares de participantes en los acontecimientos que él narra. Este capítulo de la historia de nuestra revolución tiene todavía ser contado de nuevo.

Como se entiende, los líderes revolucionarios superiores eran constantemente informados de las noticias sobre los planes del enemigo. Entonces concebimos la idea de repartir el counterrevolution de Yankee, de Batista y de Trujillo un soplo duro.

Cuando las armas enviadas por el mar de la Florida para realizar las primeras acciones y los jefes y los trazadores eran todas bajo control terminante, simulamos un counterrevolution acertado en la zona montañosa de Escambray, y en Trinidad, que tenía una pista de aterrizaje. Entonces procedimos a aislar el municipio de la ciudad pequeña y amistosa eso en donde el trabajo político revolucionario fue intensificado.

Trujillo era lleno de entusiasmo. Una compañía de nuestros soldados disfrazados como campesinos gritó en la pista de aterrizaje: ¡“Trujillo vivo largo! ¡Abajo con Fidel! “que fue divulgada a las jefaturas en la República Dominicana. Habían caído el un montón de ammunitions de los planos. Todo revelaba según plan.

El 13 de agosto, un plano vino adentro con un enviado especial de Trujillo. Era Luis del Pozo Jimenez, el hijo de un alcalde y de un seguidor anteriores de Batista en el capital y una figura prominente con el régimen. Él precisó en un mapa las posiciones que serían bombardeadas por la fuerza aérea dominicana e investigadas sobre el número de los legionnaires necesarios en la primera etapa.

Otro enviado notable vino con él. Era Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez que, como hemos indicado ya, había viajado con su padre y Batista mientras que se escaparon a la República Dominicana que 1 de enero. A varios líderes del mercenario lo acompañó que permanecerían detrás. El plano tuvo que ir detrás. Su equipo era igual que había llevado a Batista cuando él funcionó lejos.

Estaba en la proximidad de la pista de aterrizaje con Camilo Cienfuegos y otros jefes militares. La cabeza del personal militar cubano que tuvo que descargar las armas y el equipo de comunicación había entendido que deben arrestar al equipo del avión. A este punto, un copiloto realizó que algo era tiro incorrecto en ellos y sobrevino un shootout. Entonces arrestaron a los envoys de Trujillo y a los otros jefes del mercenario. Había muertes.

Que la misma noche visité el herido de ambos lados. No podríamos ir a continuación con el plan. Encima de hasta entonces, las comunicaciones entre Trujillo y el counterrevolution en el Escambray habían ocurrido a través de onda corta. Informes militares triunfantes de la difusión de radio oficial de la estación de Trujillos similares a ésos que oiríamos del cisne y de Miami de radio en los días de Giron. Nunca utilizamos las estaciones públicas de Cuba para separar informes oficiales falsos.

Habría sido posible continuar con el juego incluso después el plano hubiera sido agarrado y arrestaron a Luis del Pozo Jimenez y a Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez. Habríamos podido falsificar una falta del mecánico del plano que debe haber vuelto allí, pero que habría engañado y había confundido nuestra gente, que estaban para entonces agitada sobre las noticias sobre las victorias contrarrevolucionarios alegadas en Escambray público se separa de la ciudad de Trujillo.

El ese 13 de agosto de 1959 era mi 33ro cumpleaños. Estaba en mi prima, físicamente y mentalmente fuerte.

Era una victoria revolucionaria importante, pero al mismo tiempo una señal sobre los tiempos que vendrían y un regalo triste de Rafael Leonidas Trujillo en mi aniversario. Veinte meses más adelante estaríamos luchando en Giron; habría violencia y matanza en el Escambray, al lado de la orilla del mar, en las ciudades y por todas partes el país. Era el counterrevolution organizado por los Estados Unidos.

En ese país habrían ejecutado a Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez y a Luis del Pozo Jimenez, pues los mercenarios en el servicio de una energía enemiga. Las cortes revolucionarias los condenaron a la prisión, y no mistreated. ¿Cuál era el destino final de Martin Perez? Él emigró a los Estados Unidos, legalmente, y él es hoy un portador estándar de la mafia americana cubano del terrorista que apoya a candidato republicano McCain.

Un periodista y un investigador canadienses distinguidos, Jean-Individuo Allard, describe la vida del terrorista de Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez como sigue:

“… de hecho, desde temprano adentro su vida, `' (su apodo) Martin Macho Perez ensambló el policía de Batista y, para sus méritos especiales, es decir, su golpeo de los presos en los meses pasados del régimen sangriento, él ganó a fila del sargento.

“Ambos, el padre y el hijo estaban tan cerca de Batista que, el 1 de enero de 1959, en vez del funcionamiento lejos a Miami, ellos siguió a dictador a su santuario en la República Dominicana.

“… lanzado el 29 de mayo de 1987… en 1989 él ensambló la fundación nacional americana cubano (CANF) establecida por la Cia debajo de Ronald Reagan.

“Él muy pronto estaría conduciendo a comité paramilitary creado por esta organización que asegura el financiamiento, entre otros, de la alfa 66 del grupo del terrorista y de otros grupos extremistas que actúan contra Cuba.

“… Martin Perez Rodriguez participó en el arreglo de una serie de tentativas falladas en la vida el presidente de Cuba durante varias cumbres del americano de Ibero.

¡“En 1994, en ocasión de la atención de Fidel a la 4ta cumbre, en Cartagena de Indias, Colombia… él compró un arma y los explosivos del Barret de 50 milímetros que fueron transferidos a Colombia de Miami… por el plano!

“… él trazó con Jimenez Escobedo y Eugenio LLameras con objeto de la 5ta cumbre americana de Ibero en 1995. Que año, él restableció el mismo plan para la cumbre no alineada del movimiento, también en Cartagena de Indias, Colombia.

“En 1997, en la isla de Margarita, Venezuela, en ocasión de la 7ma cumbre americana de Ibero de cabezas de sacie y gobierno, la posada montó otra conspiración con la ayuda directa de Martin Perez Rodriguez y otros líderes de CANF…”

“… él firmó el declaración de la ayuda para el terrorismo contra Cuba publicada por la fundación el 11 de agosto… Roberto Martin Perez, Feliciano Foyo y Horacio Garcia es algo de la posada de la gente nombrada público como los financieros del `' de sus acciones del terrorista durante su entrevista con los tiempos de Nueva York en 1997.

“… él patrocinó en Miami una exposición de pinturas por [Orlando] Bosch y la posada [Carriles], los dos genios del sabotaje contra el plano civil cubano, en 1976, donde mataron a 73 personas.

“En 1998, el gran abogado del preso político del `' realizó uno de sus hechos más sucios: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

La storia allineare e la sfida dei giornalisti Cuban
Automatically translated into Italian thanks to WorldLingo
Riflessioni di Fidel:



SETTE giorni fa ho scritto circa uno degli uomini grandi nella storia: Salvador Allende, un uomo il mondo ricordato di con emozione e rispetto profondi sul suo primo centennale. Tuttavia, nessuno quivered o persino ricordato la data del 24 ottobre 1891, quando il despot domenicano Rafael Leonidas Trujillo è stato sopportato, diciotto anni prima del nostro fratello cileno ammirato.

Entrambi i paesi, uno nei Caraibi e l'altro nel sud estremo dell'america latina, hanno sofferto le conseguenze del pericolo che Jose Marti ha previsto e provato per evitare. Ha indicato nella sua lettera posthumous celebrata al suo amico messicano che aveva combattuto con Juarez, --e questa non è mai una gomma di idea I di ripetere: “Ora, sono giornaliere in pericolo di dare la mia vita… ad attuale evito con l'indipendenza della Cuba che gli Stati Uniti espandono sopra le Antille e che, con quella forza supplementare, possono venire contro le nostre terre americane. Tutto che faccia fino all'oggi e tutto faccia, sia per quello scopo. “

Il nostro giro victorious era un amico di Allende, allo stesso tempo esso odiava Trujillo. Ciò era un uncouth Pinochet begotten dagli Stati Uniti nei Caraibi. Il despot era stato il risultato di uno interventi militari di Yankees' nell'isola che il paese ripartisce con l'Haiti, un paese che era la prima colonia spagnola.

La fanteria americana del blu marino aveva invaso quella repubblica della sorella per assicurare i relativi interessi economici e strategici del paese. Naturalmente, ci non era neppure una correzione di Platt là da dissimulare l'azione di manto legale.

In 1918, hanno reclutato, tra altri, il Dominican natale avventuroso ed ambizioso, il figlio di piccolo commerciante, che allora è stato addestrato ed ammesso stato, come 27 anni - vecchi, all'esercito nazionale. In 1921, ha acceso ad un altro corso di formazione con l'accademia militare stabilita dagli occupanti del paese. Dopo che rifinisca là, è stato nominato capo dell'unità ed è stato promosso al Rank del capitano per i servizi pagati alle forze dell'interventista, anche se non era precedentemente un tenente.

Alla conclusione dell'occupazione di Yankee in 1924, Trujillo era aspetta per fungere da strumento degli Stati Uniti in alti alberini nei militari, che userebbe trattare il colpo di stato classico e “le elezioni democratiche„ tipiche che lo conducono alla presidenza della repubblica in 1930. L'inizio del suo termine ha coinciso con gli anni della depressione grande che ha colpito così male l'economia degli Stati Uniti.

La Cuba, del paese il dipendente più e shackled dagli accordi commerciali, levati in piedi per soffrire le conseguenze più severe di quella crisi. D'altra parte, la base navale e l'umiliazione e l'ingiustificato per la correzione davrebbero loro i diritti costituzionali di intervenire nella nostra nazione e di strapparla alle parti storia glorious.

Nel paese limitrofo, con di meno diriga la dipendenza economica, nel sagace e Trujillo ambizioso ha maneggiato whimsically le proprietà del codice categoria centrale domenicano e del oligarchy. Gli zuccherifici principali e molti altri settori industriali si sono trasformati in nella sua proprietà riservata. Quel cult all'appropriazione riservata non ha offenduto i concetti del capitalista dell'impero. Molti segni al neon hanno esatto dappertutto “il dio e Trujillo.„ Molti città, viali, strade e costruzioni sono stati chiamati dopo lui o i suoi parenti. Lo stesso anno è diventato presidente, un uragano sbattuto con violenza su Santo Domingo, il capitale del paese. Dopo che la città recuperi da danni, la ha cambiata titolo città di Trujillo. Mai prima ha avuto il mondo conosciuto un tal cult di personalità.

Durante l'anno 1937, ha effettuato lungo il bordo un massacre enorme degli operai Haitian. Ciò era le sue forze di lavoro della riserva nell'agricoltura e nella costruzione.

Era un alleato costante degli Stati Uniti. È stato coinvolgere nell'inizio sia delle Nazioni Unite che del OAS in 1948. Il 15 dicembre 1952, ha viaggiato a Washington nella sua altra capienza come l'ambasciatore plenipotenziario all'organizzazione dell'americano dichiara ed ha rimasto a metà quel paese per tre e di mesi. Il 2 luglio 1954, ha viaggiato in Spagna a bordo una nave transatlantica che lo ha preso a Vigo. Franco, che era già un alleato dell'impero, lo ha accolto favorevolmente alla stazione del nord de Madrid accompagnata da tutti i membri della CORP. diplomatica.

Il mio rapporto con la Repubblica Domenicana resalg a miei giorni all'università. Honored con una nomina al presidente del comitato per la democrazia domenicana. Non ha suonato come posizione molto importante, ma poiché ero genere di rebellious, lo ho preso seriamente. Il momento fare qualcosa è venuto inatteso in su. Il domenicano exiled promosso in Cuba la creazione di una forza expeditionary. Ho arruolato con esso quando ancora non avevo completato il mio sophomore. Avere 21 anno.

Ho detto prima alla storia di che cosa allora è accaduto. Dopo la spedizione frustrata di Cayo Confites, non ero fra oltre mille prigionieri presi all'accampamento militare della Colombia, in cui Juan Bosch è andato su un colpo di fame. Questi uomini incarcerated dalla testa dell'esercito in Cuba, il General Perez Dameras, che aveva ricevuto i soldi da Trujillo per intercettare la spedizione. Il General ha fatto questo quando il expeditionary erano vicino al passaggio del vento.

Un frigate Cuban del blu marino, mirante con i relativi cannoni dell'arco alla nostra barca principale, li ha ordinati rinviare ed attracco all'orificio del Antilla. Allora salto nell'acqua della baia di Nipe insieme a tre altri expeditionary. Eravamo quattro uomini muniti.

Avevo venuto a contatto di Juan Bosch, un capo domenicano eccezionale, in Cayo Confites, dove abbiamo addestrato ed abbiamo comunicato lungamente. Non era il capo della spedizione ma era certamente la personalità più prestigious fra i Dominicans, anche se fosse ignorato da alcuni dei capi principali di quel movimento e dai capi Cuban che hanno avuti rapporti ufficiali paid piuttosto importanti e buoni. Ero allora molto lontano persino dall'immaginazione del questo che sto scrivendo oggi!

Undici anni più successivamente, quando la nostra lotta sulla sierra montagne di Maestra stava circa per concludere con successo, Trujillo ha assegnato un accreditamento a Batista per comprare le armi e i ammunitions, che sono stati portati in aereo nel secondo trimestre di 1958. Inoltre si è offerto volontariamente alle tre mila truppe domenicane disperse nell'aria e più successivamente ad un'altra forza che atterrerebbe in Oriente.

La tirannia del Batista è stata sconfitta il 1° gennaio 1959, grazie ai colpi duri trattati dall'esercito ribelle ed il colpo generale rivoluzionario. Il repressivi dichiarano sono venuto sbriciolandosi giù tutti durante l'isola e il Batista a sinistra per la Repubblica Domenicana. Ha viaggiato là nell'azienda di altri caratteri sinister di quel regime quale il thug ben noto Lutgardo Martin Perez, i suo 25 anni - figlio anziano Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez e un gruppo dei capi militari superiori del suo esercito sconfitto.

Trujillo ha offerto a Batista un'accoglienza calorosa e lo ha accomodato ad una residenza ufficiale per l'ospite distinto, anche se più successivamente lo ha trasmesso ad un hotel luxurious. È stato interessato sopra l'esempio della rivoluzione Cuban, quindi, ha contato sui capi superiori di ex esercito del Batista e sul supporto probabile dei dieci dei migliaia dei membri dei tre rami dell'esercito e della polizia, per organizzare un counterrevolution e per sostenerlo con la legione caraibica, che potrebbe avere circa 25 mila soldati dall'esercito domenicano.

La gestione degli Stati Uniti, essendo informato di questi programmi, trasmesso ad un ufficiale di CIA a Santo Domingo comunicare con Trujillo e valutare i suoi programmi contro la Cuba. Dal midst il febbraio 1959, questo uomo ha incontrato John Abbes Garcia, capo dei servizi domenicani di intelligenza a quale ha suggerito trasmettere gli agenti agli elementi ostili della recluta nella truppa della rivoluzione victorious. Non ha detto che il governo degli Stati Uniti già ha avuto William Alexander Morgan Ruderth, un cittadino americano ed agente di CIA, che si era infiltrato nella seconda parte anteriore nel Escambray, un uomo che avevano promosso al Rank del comandante e che era uno dei capi principali là.

Lo sviluppo di questi eventi, che portano ad una storia affascinante, può essere trovato nei libri degli ufficiali Cuban maggiori di sicurezza e di intelligenza, nelle testimonianze dei capi delle unità militari dell'esercito ribelle che direttamente sono stati coinvolti, in autobiographies, dichiarazione ufficiali rilasciate in quei giorni e relazioni dei giornalisti nazionali e stranieri, tutto il chi sarebbe impossible da accennare in questa riflessione.

Ci è un altro libro nel corso della pubblicazione scritta da un camerata che ha fatto parte delle milizie quando era 17 e che per il suoi buon comportamento e mente tagliente allora è stato trasferito al Primo Ministro ed al comandante in dettaglio di sicurezza del capo in cui ha studiato per diventare un stenografo, allora ha preso le note delle conversazioni ed ha raccolto la testimonianza dei centinaia dei partecipanti agli eventi che narra. Questo capitolo della storia del nostro giro ha ancora essere raccontato.

Come è capito, i capi rivoluzionari superiori erano costantemente informed delle notizie circa i programmi del nemico. Allora abbiamo concepito l'idea di trattare il counterrevolution del Yankee, del Batista e del Trujillo un colpo duro.

Quando le armi trasmesse dal mare da Florida per effettuare le prime azioni ed i capi ed i tracciatori erano tutte sotto controllo rigoroso, abbiamo simulato un counterrevolution riuscito nella zona montagnosa di Escambray ed in Trinidad, che ha avuta una pista di atterraggio. Allora abbiamo continuato isolare il comune di piccola e città amichevole quello in cui il lavoro politico rivoluzionario è stato intensificato.

Trujillo era pieno di entusiasmo. Un'azienda dei nostri soldati travestiti come contadini ha gridato alla pista di atterraggio: “Trujillo in tensione lungo! Giù con Fidel! “che è stato segnalato alle sedi nella Repubblica Domenicana. Avevano caduto l'abbondanza dei ammunitions dagli aerei. Tutto stava spiegando secondo il programma.

Il 13 agosto, un aereo è entrato con un inviato speciale da Trujillo. Era Luis del Pozo Jimenez, il figlio di ex sindaco e seguicamma del Batista nel capitale e una figura prominente con il regime. Ha precisato su un programma le posizioni che sarebbero bombardate dall'aeronautica domenicana e sono state domandate circa il numero di legionnaires necessari nella prima fase.

Un altro inviato notevole è venuto con lui. Era Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez che, come già abbiamo indicato, aveva viaggiato con il suoi padre e Batista mentre hanno fuoriuscito alla Repubblica Domenicana che 1° gennaio. È stato accompagnato da parecchi capi del mercenary che rimarrebbero dietro. L'aereo ha dovuto andare indietro. La relativa squadra era la stessa che avesse trasportato Batista quando ha funzionato via.

Ero nella prossimità della pista di atterraggio con Camilo Cienfuegos ed altri capi militari. La testa dei personali militari Cuban che hanno dovuto scaricare le armi e le attrezzature di comunicazione aveva capito che dovrebbero arrestare la squadra del velivolo. A questo punto, una copilota si è resa conto che qualcosa era colpo errato su loro e uno shootout ha seguito. I envoys del Trujillo e gli altri capi del mercenary allora sono stati arrestati. Ci erano incidenti.

Che la stessa notte ho visitato il ferrito da entrambi i lati. Non potremmo andare avanti con il programma. Su fino ad allora, le comunicazioni fra Trujillo e il counterrevolution nel Escambray avevano avvenuto attraverso l'onda corta. Rapporti militari trionfanti di radiodiffusione radiofonica ufficiale della stazione del Trujillos simili a quelli che ci sentiremmo dallo Swan e da Miami radiofonici nei giorni di Giron. Non abbiamo usato mai le stazioni pubbliche della Cuba per spargere le relazioni ufficiali false.

Sarebbe stato possibile da continuare con il gioco anche dopo che l'aereo era stato grippato e Luis del Pozo Jimenez e Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez sono stati arrestati. Potremmo simulare un guasto del meccanico dell'aereo che dovrebbe rinviare là, ma che avrebbe fuorviato e confuso la nostra gente, che erano pubblicamente per allora agitate sopra le notizie circa le vittorie counterrevolutionary presunte in Escambray si sparge dalla città di Trujillo.

Il quel 13 agosto 1959 era il mio trentatreesimo compleanno. Ero nella mia perfezione, fisicamente e mentalmente forte.

Era una vittoria rivoluzionaria importante, ma allo stesso tempo un segnale circa i tempi che verrebbero e un regalo triste da Rafael Leonidas Trujillo sul mio anniversario. Venti mesi più successivamente saremmo combattimento a Giron; ci sarebbe violenza e massacro nel Escambray, dal puntello del mare, in città e dappertutto nella provincia. Era il counterrevolution organizzato dagli Stati Uniti.

In quel paese avrebbero eseguito Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez e Luis del Pozo Jimenez, poichè mercenaries nel servizio di un'alimentazione nemica. Le corti rivoluzionarie li hanno sentenziati alla prigione e non mistreated. Che cosa era il destino finale di Martin Perez? Ha migrato negli Stati Uniti, legalmente ed è oggi un elemento portante standard della mafia americana Cuban del terrorista che sostiene il candidato repubblicano McCain.

Un giornalista e un ricercatore canadesi distinti, il Jean-Tipo Allard, descrive la vita del terrorista di Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez come segue:

“… infatti, presto dentro dalla sua vita, il `' (il suo nickname) Martin Macho Perez ha unito la polizia del Batista e, per i suoi meriti speciali, cioè la sua battitura dei prigionieri negli ultimi mesi del regime sanguinante, ha guadagnato il Rank del Sergeant.

“Entrambi, il padre ed il figlio erano così vicino a Batista che, il 1° gennaio 1959, invece di funzionare via a Miami, ha seguito il dictator al suo santuario nella Repubblica Domenicana.

“… liberato il 29 maggio 1987… in 1989 ha unito il fondamento nazionale americano Cuban (CANF) stabilito dal CIA sotto Ronald Reagan.

“Molto presto stava conducendo il comitato paramilitary generato da questa organizzazione che accerta il finanziamento, tra altri, dell'alfa 66 del gruppo del terrorista e di altri gruppi estremisti che si comportano contro la Cuba.

“… Martin Perez Rodriguez ha partecipato alla disposizione di una serie di tentativi guastati sulla vita il presidente della Cuba durante le varie sommità dell'americano di Ibero.

“In 1994, in occasione di presenza del Fidel alla quarta sommità, a Cartagine de Indias, Colombia… ha comprato una pistola e gli esplosivi del Barret da 50 millimetri che sono stati trasferiti in Colombia da Miami… in aereo!

“… ha tracciato con Jimenez Escobedo e Eugenio LLameras con vista alla quinto sommità americana di Ibero in 1995. Che anno, ha fatto rivivere lo stesso programma per la sommità non stata allineata del movimento, anche a Cartagine de Indias, Colombia.

“In 1997, all'isola del Margarita, Venezuela, in occasione della settimo sommità americana di Ibero delle teste di Sate e governo, il Posada ha montato un'altra cospirazione con supporto diretto da Martin Perez Rodriguez ed altri capi di CANF…„

“… ha firmato la dichiarazione di sostegno terrorismo contro la Cuba pubblicata dal fondamento l'11 agosto… Roberto Martin Perez, Feliciano Foyo e Horacio Garcia è alcuno del Posada della gente chiamato pubblicamente come i finanzieri del `' delle sue azioni del terrorista durante la sua intervista con i tempi de New York in 1997.

“… ha patrocinato a Miami una mostra delle pitture [Orlando] da Bosch e dal Posada [Carriles], i due masterminds del sabotaggio contro l'aereo civile Cuban, in 1976, dove 73 genti sono state uccise.

“In 1998, il fautore grande del prigioniero politico del `' ha effettuato uno dei suoi atti più sporchi: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Die zutreffende Geschichte und die Herausforderung der kubanischen Journalisten
Automatically translated into German thanks to WorldLingo
Reflexionen von Fidel:



Vor SIEBEN Tagen schrieb ich ungefähr ein der großen Männer in Geschichte: Salvador Allende, ein Mann die Welt erinnert mit tiefem Gefühl und Respekt auf seinem ersten hundertjährigen. Jedoch bebten niemand oder sogar riefen das Datum von 24. Oktober 1891, als der dominikanische Despot Rafael Leonidas Trujillo geboren war, achtzehn Jahre vor unserem bewunderten chilenischen Bruder zurück.

Beide Länder, eins in den Karibischen Meeren und das andere im extremen Süden von lateinischem Amerika, erlitten die Konsequenzen der Gefahr, die Jose Marti, um abzuwenden voraussah und versuchte. Wie er in seinem gefeierten posthumous Brief seinem mexikanischen Freund anzeigte, der mit Juarez gekämpft hatte, --und dieses ist ein Idee I nie Gummireifen des Wiederholens: „Jetzt, bin ich in der Gefahr des Gebens meines Lebens… zu fristgerechtem verhindere mit der Unabhängigkeit von Kuba täglich, die die Vereinigten Staaten über die Antillen erweitern und die, mit dieser zusätzlichen Kraft, sie gegen unsere amerikanischen Länder kommen können. Alles, das ich bis heutigen Tag getan habe, und alles ich tue, zu diesem Zweck bin. „

Unsere siegreiche Revolution war ein Freund von Allende, gleichzeitig es haßte Trujillo. Dieses war ein uncouth Pinochet, das durch die Vereinigten Staaten in den Karibischen Meeren gezeugt wurde. Der Despot war das Resultat ein des Yankees' militärische Interventionen in der Insel, die Land mit Haiti teilt, ein Land gewesen, das die erste spanische Kolonie war.

Die amerikanische Marineinfanterie hatte diese Schwesterrepublik eingedrungen, um seine ökonomischen und strategischen Interessen des Landes zu sichern. Selbstverständlich gab es nicht eine herauf die gleichmäßig Tätigkeit zu bedecken Platt änderung, dort, mit einem zugelassenen Umhang.

1918 zogen sie, unter anderen, den abenteuerlichen und ehrgeizigen gebürtigen Dominikaner, den Sohn eines kleinen Kaufmannes ein, der dann ausgebildet und zugelassen wurde, als 27 Jahr - alt, zur nationalen Armee. 1921 ging er zu einem anderen Ausbildungskurs mit der Kriegsakademie weiter, die von den Inhabern des Landes hergestellt wurde. Nachdem er dort beendete, wurde er Maßeinheit Leiter ernannt und gefördert zum Rank des Kapitäns für die Dienstleistungen, die zu den Interventionistkräften gezahlt wurden, obgleich er nicht vorher ein Leutnant war.

Am Ende der Yankee Besetzung 1924, war Trujillo bereit, als ein Instrument der Vereinigten Staaten in den hohen Pfosten im Militär zu dienen, denen er pflegen würde, den klassischen Staatsstreich und die typischen „demokratischen Wahlen“ zu behandeln, die ihn zum Vorsitz der Republik 1930 führen. Der Anfang seiner Bezeichnung stimmte mit den Jahren des großen Tiefstands überein, der die US Wirtschaft so schlecht schlug.

Kuba, der des Landes Abhängige am meisten und shackled durch die Handelsabkommen, gestanden, um die strengsten Konsequenzen dieser Krise zu erleiden. Einerseits würden die Marineunterseite und das Demütigen und das unbefugte für änderung ihnen konstitutionelle Rechte, in unsere Nation einzugreifen geben und zu den Stücken sie heftig zu zerreißen prachtvolle Geschichte.

Anliegerstaat in mit kleiner verweisen Sie ökonomische Abhängigkeit, in dem raffinierten und ehrgeiziges Trujillo faßte whimsically die Eigenschaften der dominikanischen mittleren Kategorie und der Oligarchie an. Die Hauptzuckerrohrmühlen und viele andere Industriezweige wurden seine private Eigenschaft. Dieser Kult zur privaten Bestimmung beleidigte nicht die Kapitalistkonzepte des Reiches. Viele Neonzeichen behaupteten überall „Gott und Trujillo.“ Viele Städte, Alleen, Straßen und Gebäude wurden nach ihm oder seinen Verwandten genannt. Das gleiche Jahr wurde er Präsident, ein Hurrikan, der stark auf Santo Domingo, das Kapital des Landes geschlagen wurde. Nachdem die Stadt von den Beschädigungen erholte, benannte er sie Trujillo Stadt um. Nie vor hatte die Welt, die solch einem Beschaffenheit Kult bekannt ist.

Im Jahr 1937, führte er entlang dem Rand ein sehr großes Blutbad der haitianischen Arbeiter durch. Dieses war seine Arbeitskräfte der Reserve in der Landwirtschaft und im Aufbau.

Er war ein unveränderlicher US Verbündeter. Er wurde in die Gründung der Nationen und des OAS 1948 miteinbezogen. Am 15. Dezember 1952 reiste er nach Washington in seiner anderen Kapazität als bevollmächtigter Botschafter zur Organisation der amerikanischen Zustände und blieb zur Hälfte dieses Land für drei und Monate. Am 2. Juli 1954 reiste er nach Spanien an Bord eines transatlantic Schiffs, das ihn nach Vigo nahm. Franco, der bereits ein Verbündeter des Reiches war, begrüßte ihn an der Madrid Nordstation, die von allen Mitgliedern der diplomatischen Corp. begleitet wurde.

Mein Verhältnis zur Dominikanischen Republik geht auf meinen Tagen an der Universität zurück. Ich war mit einer Verabredung zum Präsidenten des Ausschusses für dominikanische Demokratie geehrt worden. Es klang nicht als sehr wichtige Position, aber, da ich Art von rebellious war, nahm ich sie ernst. Die Zeit, etwas zu tun kam oben unerwartet. Das dominikanische verbannt in Kuba die Kreation einer expeditionary Kraft gefördert. Ich trug mit es ein, als ich nicht noch meinen College-Student im 2. Jahr durchgeführt hatte. Ich war 21 Jahre alt.

Ich habe die Geschichte vorher erklärt von, was dann geschah. Nach der frustrierten Cayo Confites Expedition war ich nicht unter über tausend Gefangenen, die zum Kolumbien militärischen Lager genommen wurden, wohin Juan Bosch auf einen Hungerstreik ging. Diese Männer waren vom Kopf der Armee in Kuba, General Perez Dameras eingesperrt worden, der Geld von Trujillo empfangen hatte, um die Expedition abzufangen. Der General tat dies, als expeditionary nah an dem Wind-Durchgang waren.

Eine kubanische Marine-Fregatte, abzielend mit seinen Bogenkanonen auf unser führendes Boot, bestellte uns, am Tor des Antillas zurückzugehen und anzukoppeln. Ich springe dann in das Wasser der Nipe Bucht zusammen mit drei expeditionary anderem. Wir waren vier bewaffnete Männer.

Ich hatte Juan Bosch, ein hervorragender dominikanischer Führer, in Cayo Confites getroffen, in dem wir ausbildeten, und wir sprachen ausführlich. Er war nicht der Leiter der Expedition, aber er war zweifellos die prestigevollste Beschaffenheit unter den Dominikanern, selbst wenn er von einigen der Hauptführer dieser Bewegung und von den kubanischen Häuptlingen ignoriert wurde, die die ziemlich wichtigen und wohlen zahlenden amtlichen Relationen hatten. Ich war dann sehr weit von dieses sogar sich vorstellen, daß ich heute schreibe!

Elf Jahre später, als unser Kampf auf der Sierra Maestra Berge imwar Begriff, erfolgreich zu folgern, bewilligte Trujillo eine Gutschrift Batista, um Waffen und ammunitions zu kaufen, die mit der Fläche im zweiten Viertel von 1958 geholt wurden. Er erbot auch sich zu den zerstreuten drei tausend dominikanischen Truppen und später zu einer anderen Kraft freiwillig, die in Oriente landen würde.

Tyrannei Batistas wurde am 1. Januar 1959, dank die harten Schläge besiegt, die von der rebellischen Armee behandelt wurden und der revolutionäre Generalstreik. Der repressive Zustand kam, nach links zerbröckelnd hinunter alle während der Insel und des Batista für die Dominikanische Republik. Er reiste dort in die Firma anderer finsterer Buchstaben dieses Regimes wie des weithin bekannten Schurkeen Lutgardo Martin Perez, sein 25 Jahr - alter Sohn Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez und eine Gruppe von den oberen militärischen Leitern seiner besiegten Armee.

Trujillo bot Batista ein herzliches Willkommen an und brachte ihn an einem Amtssitz für bemerkenswerten Gast unter, obgleich er ihn später zu einem luxuriösen Hotel schickte. Er wurde über dem Beispiel der kubanischen Revolution betroffen, folglich zählte er auf den oberen Leitern von Batistas ehemaliger Armee und der wahrscheinlichen Unterstützung der 10 von Tausenden Mitgliedern der drei Armeeniederlassungen und Polizei, um ein counterrevolution zu organisieren und es mit der karibischen Legion zu stützen, die ungefähr 25 tausend Soldaten von der dominikanischen Armee gehabt haben konnte.

Die US Leitung, berücksichtigend diese Pläne, geschickt einem CIA Offizier zu Santo Domingo, mit Trujillo zu sprechen und seine Pläne gegen Kuba festzusetzen. Durch Mitte Februar 1959, traf dieser Mann John Abbes Garcia, Kopf der dominikanischen Nachrichtendienste, zu denen er sich empfahl, Mittel zu den feindlichen Elementen des Rekruten in den Rank der siegreichen Revolution zu schicken. Er sagte nicht, daß die US Regierung bereits William Alexander Morgan Ruderth, ein amerikanischer Bürger und CIA Vertreter hatte, das die zweite Frontseite im Escambray eingesickert hatten, ein Mann, den sie zum Rank des Kommandanten gefördert hatten und das einer der Hauptleiter dort war.

Die Entwicklung dieser Fälle, die für eine faszinierende Geschichte bilden, kann in den Büchern der älteren kubanischen Intelligenz- und Sicherheitsbeamter, in den Zeugnissen der Führer der militärischen Maßeinheiten von der rebellischen Armee gefunden werden, direkt, in Autobiographien, die amtlichen Verlautbarungen, die miteinbezogen wurden an jenen Tagen abgegeben wurden und Reports von den nationalen und fremden Journalisten, die ganze die, wem würde es unmöglich sein, in dieser Reflexion zu erwähnen.

Es gibt ein anderes Buch bei der Publikation, die von einem Kameraden geschrieben wird, der die Milizen verband, als er 17 war, und der für seine gute Führung und scharfen Verstand dann auf den Premierminister und Oberbefehlshaber Detail Sicherheit gebracht wurde, in dem er studierte, um zu werden, ein Stenograph, dann zur Kenntnis den Gesprächen nahm und das Zeugnis von Hunderten Teilnehmern an die Fälle sammelte, die, er berichtet. Dieses Kapitel der Geschichte unserer Revolution hat, schon nachgezählt zu werden.

Wie verstanden wird, waren die oberen revolutionären Führer ständig von den Nachrichten über die Pläne des Feindes informiert. Wir begriffen dann die Idee des Behandelns von dem Yankees, Batistas und Trujillos counterrevolution ein harter Schlag.

Als alle Waffen, die durch Meer von gesendet wurden Florida, um die ersten Tätigkeiten und die Leiter und die Plotter durchzuführen, unter strenger Steuerung waren, simulierten wir ein erfolgreiches counterrevolution in der GebirgsEscambray Zone und in Trinidad, das einen Startstreifen hatte. Wir fuhren dann fort, den Stadtbezirk der kleinen und freundlichen Stadt dessen zu lokalisieren, in der revolutionäre politische Arbeit verstärkt wurde.

Trujillo war von der Begeisterung voll. Eine Firma unserer Soldaten, die als Landarbeiter verkleidet wurden, schrie am Startstreifen: „Langes PhasenTrujillo! Unten mit Fidel! „das Hauptsitze in der Dominikanischen Republik berichtet wurde. Sie hatten viel von ammunitions von den Flächen fallengelassen. Alles breitete entsprechend Plan aus.

Am 13. August kam eine Fläche mit einem speziellen Abgesandten von Trujillo herein. Es war Luis Del Pozo Jimenez, der Sohn eines ehemaligen Bürgermeisters und des Batista Nachfolgers im Kapital und eine vorstehende Abbildung mit dem Regime. Er unterstrich auf einem Diagramm die Positionen, die durch die dominikanische Luftwaffe bombardiert würden und nach der Zahl den legionnaires erkundigt, die im ersten Stadium notwendig sind.

Ein anderer bemerkenswerter Abgesandter kam mit ihm. Es war Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez, das, wie wir bereits angezeigt haben, mit seinem Vater und Batista gereist war, während sie in die Dominikanische Republik entgingen, die 1. Januar. Er wurde von einigen Söldnerführern begleitet, die nach bleiben würden. Die Fläche mußte zurück gehen. Seine Mannschaft war die selbe, die Batista getragen hatte, als er weg lief.

Ich war in der Nähe des Startstreifens mit Camilo Cienfuegos und andere militärische Leiter. Der Kopf des kubanischen militärischen Personals, das die Waffen und die Kommunikation Ausrüstung leeren mußte, hatte verstanden, daß sie die Flugzeugmannschaft festhalten sollten. An diesem Punkt stellte ein Kopilot fest, daß etwas falscher Schuß auf ihnen war und ein shootout folgte. Abgesandte Trujillos und die anderen Söldnerleiter wurden dann festgehalten. Es gab Unfall.

Daß die gleiche Nacht ich das verletzte von beiden Seiten besuchte. Wir könnten nicht voran mit dem Plan gehen. Herauf bis dann, hatten Kommunikationen zwischen Trujillo und dem counterrevolution im Escambray durch kurze Welle stattgefunden. Trujilloss amtliche Radiostation-Sendung triumphierende militärische Reports ähnlich denen, die wir vom Radioschwan und von Miami an den Tagen von Giron hören würden. Wir benutzten nie Kubas allgemeine Stationen, um falsche amtliche Reports zu verbreiten.

Fortzufahren würde gewesen sein möglich, mit dem Spiel, selbst nachdem die Fläche ergriffen worden war und Luis Del Pozo Jimenez und Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez festgehalten wurden. Wir könnten einen Mechanikerausfall der Fläche gefälscht haben, die dort zurückgegangen haben sollte, aber, das irregeführt haben und verwirrt würde, unsere Leute, die bis dahin über den Nachrichten über die angeblichen konterrevolutionären Siege in Escambray öffentlich rastlos waren, von der Trujillo Stadt verbreiten.

Dieses 13. August 1959 war mein 33rd Geburtstag. Ich war in meiner höchsten Vollkommenheit, physikalisch und geistlich stark.

Es war ein revolutionärer hauptsächlichsieg, aber gleichzeitig ein Signal über die Zeiten, die kommen würden und ein trauriges Geschenk von Rafael Leonidas Trujillo auf meinem Jahrestag. Zwanzig Monate später würden wir bei Giron kämpfen; es würde Gewalttätigkeit und Blutvergießen im Escambray, durch das Seeufer, in den Städten und ganz über dem Land geben. Es war das counterrevolution, das durch die Vereinigten Staaten organisiert wurde.

In diesem Land würden sie Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez und Luis Del Pozo Jimenez, da Söldner im Service einer feindlichen Energie durchgeführt haben. Die revolutionären Gerichte verurteilten sie zum Gefängnis, und sie wurden nicht schlecht behandelt. Was war das abschließende Schicksal von Martin Perez? Er wanderte in die Vereinigten Staaten, erlaubterweise ab, und er ist heute eine Standardträger der kubanischen amerikanischen Terrorist Mafia, die republikanischen Anwärter McCain stützt.

Ein bemerkenswerter kanadischer Journalist und ein Forscher, Jean-Kerl Allard, beschreibt das Terroristleben von Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez, wie folgt:

„… tatsächlich, seit früh innen seinem Leben, `Macho' (sein Spitzname) Martin Perez verband die Batista Polizei und, für seine speziellen Verdienste, das heißt, sein Schlagen der Gefangenen in den letzten Monaten des blutigen Regimes, erwarb er den Rank des Sergeants.

„Beide, der Vater und der Sohn waren so nah an Batista, der am 1. Januar 1959 anstatt, nach Miami weg zu laufen, sie, folgte dem Diktator zu seinem Schongebiet in der Dominikanischen Republik.

„… am 29. Mai 1987 freigegeben… 1989 verband er die kubanische amerikanische nationale Grundlage (CANF) hergestellt durch den CIA unter Ronald Reagan.

„Er würde sehr bald den paramilitärischen Ausschuß führen, der durch diese Organisation verursacht wurde, die die Finanzierung, unter anderen, des Terroristgruppe Alphas 66 und anderer extremer Gruppen, die gegen Kuba fungieren sicherstellt.

„… Nahm Martin Perez Rodriguez an der Anordnung für eine Reihe verlassene Versuche auf dem Leben der Präsident von Kuba während der verschiedenen Ibero Amerikaner-Gipfel teil.

„1994, anläßlich der Anwesenheit Fidels zum 4. Gipfel, in Cartagena de Indias, Kolumbien… kaufte er eine 50 Millimeter Troggewehr und -explosivstoffe, die nach Kolumbien von Miami… durch Fläche gebracht wurden!

„… plottete er mit Jimenez Escobedo und Eugenio LLameras angesichts des 5. Ibero amerikanischen Gipfels 1995. Daß Jahr, er den gleichen Plan für das nicht ausgerichtete Bewegung Gipfel, auch in Cartagena de Indias, Kolumbien wieder belebte.

„1997, an der Margarita Insel, Venezuela, anläßlich des 7. Ibero amerikanischen Gipfels der Köpfe von sättigen Sie und Regierung, brachte Posada eine andere Verschwörung mit direkter Unterstützung von Martin Perez Rodriguez an und andere Führer von CANF…“

„… unterzeichnete er die Erklärung der Unterstützung für Terrorismus gegen Kuba, das durch die Grundlage am 11. August… Roberto Martin Perez, Feliciano Foyo veröffentlicht wurde und Horacio Garcia sind etwas von dem Leute Posada, der öffentlich als die `Finanziere' seiner Terroristtätigkeiten während seines Interviews mit den New York Zeiten 1997 genannt wird.

„… förderte er in Miami eine Ausstellung der Anstriche durch [Orlando] Bosch und Posada [Carriles], die zwei Experten der Sabotage gegen die kubanische Zivilfläche, 1976, wo 73 Leute getötet wurden.

„1998, führte der große Fürsprecher des `politischen Gefangenen' einen seiner schmutzigsten Briefe durch: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

A história verdadeira e o desafio dos journalists Cuban
Automatically translated into Portuguese thanks to WorldLingo
Reflexões de Fidel:



SETE dias há eu escrevi aproximadamente um dos homens grandes na história: Salvador Allende, um homem o mundo recordado com emoção e respeito profundos no seu primeiro centennial. Entretanto, ninguém quivered ou recordaram mesmo a data outubro de 24, 1891, quando o despot Dominican Rafael Leonidas Trujillo foi carregado, dezoito anos antes de nosso irmão Chilean admirado.

Ambos os países, um nas Caraíbas e o outro no sul extremo de América Latin, sofreram as conseqüências do perigo que Jose Marti previu e tentou avert. Como indicou em sua letra posthumous comemorada a seu amigo mexicano que tinha lutado com Juarez, --e este é um pneu da idéia I nunca de repetir: “Agora, eu sou diário no perigo de dar minha vida… a oportuno impeço com a independência de Cuba que os Estados Unidos expandem sobre as Antilhas e que, com essa força adicional, podem vir de encontro a nossas terras americanas. Tudo que eu fiz até hoje, e tudo eu farei, sou para essa finalidade. “

Nossa volta victorious era um amigo de Allende, ao mesmo tempo ele odiou Trujillo. Este era um uncouth Pinochet begotten pelos Estados Unidos nas Caraíbas. O despot tinha sido o resultado de um intervenções militares do Yankees' no console de que o país compartilha com o Haiti, um país que fosse a primeira colônia espanhola.

A infantaria americana da marinha tinha invadido essa república da irmã para fixar seus interesses econômicos e estratégicos do país. Naturalmente, não havia uniforme uma emenda de Platt lá a cobrir acima da ação com um mantle legal.

Em 1918, recrutaram, entre outro, o Dominican nativo aventuroso e ambicioso, filho de um comerciante pequeno, que então fosse treinado e admitido, como uns 27 anos - velhos, ao exército nacional. Em 1921, foi sobre a um outro curso de treinamento com o Academy militar estabelecido pelos occupants do país. Depois que terminou lá, foi apontado chefe da unidade e promovido ao Rank do capitão para os serviços pagos às forças do interventionist, embora não fosse previamente um tenente.

No fim da ocupação de Yankee em 1924, Trujillo estava pronto para agir como um instrumento dos Estados Unidos em bornes elevados nas forças armadas, que se usaria negociar etat do coup o d clássico' e “as eleições democráticas típicas” que conduzem a lhe ao presidency da república em 1930. O começo de seu termo coincidiu com os anos do Depression grande que bateu a economia dos E.U. assim mal.

Cuba, do país dependente mais e shackled pelos acordos de comércio, estados para sofrer as conseqüências as mais severas dessa crise. Na uma mão, a base naval e humilhar e o unwarranted para a emenda dar-lhes-iam direitas constitutional intervir em nossa nação e rasgá-la às partes história glorious.

No país neighboring, com menos dirija a dependência econômica, no shrewd e Trujillo ambicioso segurou whimsically as propriedades da classe média Dominican e do oligarchy. Os moinhos de açúcar principais e muitas outras filiais de indústria transformaram-se sua propriedade confidencial. Esse cult à apropriação confidencial não offend os conceitos do capitalista do império. Muitos sinais de néon reivindicaram em toda parte o “deus e o Trujillo.” Muitos cidades, avenidas, estradas e edifícios foram nomeados após ele ou seus parentes. O mesmo ano transformou-se presidente, um furacão batido duramente em Santo Domingo, o capital do país. Depois que a cidade recuperou dos danos, rebatizou-a cidade de Trujillo. Nunca antes teve o mundo sabido tal cult da personalidade.

No ano 1937, realizou ao longo da beira um massacre enorme de trabalhadores Haitian. Esta era sua força labor da reserva na agricultura e na construção.

Era um aliado constante dos E.U. Foi envolvido no inception das nações unidas e do OAS em 1948. Dezembro em 15, 1952, viajou a Washington em sua outra capacidade como o embaixador plenipotenciário à organização de estados americanos e permaneceu ao esse país para três e meio dos meses. Julho em 2, 1954, viajou a Spain na placa um navio transatlantic que fizesse exame dele a Vigo. Franco, que era já um aliado do império, deu-lhe boas-vindas na estação norte de Madrid acompanhada por todos os membros do Corp. diplomatic

Meu relacionamento com a república Dominican data de meus dias na universidade. Eu tinha sido honrado com uma nomeação ao presidente do comitê para a democracia Dominican. Não soou como uma posição muito importante, mas desde que eu era tipo de rebellious, eu fiz exame d seriamente. O momento de fazer algo veio acima inesperada. O Dominican exiled promovido em Cuba a criação de uma força expeditionary. Eu alistei-me com ele quando eu não tinha terminado ainda meu estudante de segundo ano de universidade. Eu tinha 21 anos velho.

Eu tenho dito a história antes de o que aconteceu então. Após a expedição frustrada de Cayo Confites, eu não era entre sobre mil prisioneiros feitos exame ao acampamento militar de Colômbia, aonde Juan Bosch foi em uma batida de fome. Estes homens incarcerated pela cabeça do exército em Cuba, o general Perez Dameras, que tinha recebido o dinheiro de Trujillo para interceptar a expedição. O general fêz este quando o expeditionary eram perto da passagem do vento.

Uma fragata Cuban da marinha, apontando com seus canhões da curva em nosso barco principal, requisitou-nos retornar e acoplar no porto do Antilla. Eu salto então na água da baía de Nipe junto com três outros expeditionary. Nós éramos quatro homens armados.

Eu tinha-me encontrado com Juan Bosch, um líder Dominican proeminente, em Cayo Confites, onde nós treinamos, e nós falamos durante um tempo considerável. Não era o chefe da expedição mas era certamente a personalidade a mais prestigiosa entre os Dominicans, mesmo se fosse ignorado por alguns dos líderes principais desse movimento e pelos caciques Cuban que tiveram relações oficiais pagas rather importantes e boas. Eu era então muito longe mesmo de imaginar isto que eu estou escrevendo hoje!

Onze anos mais tarde, quando nossa luta no Sierra montanhas de Maestra estava a ponto de conclir com sucesso, Trujillo concedeu um crédito a Batista para comprar as armas e os ammunitions, que foram trazidos pelo plano no segundo quarto de 1958. Ofereceu-se também às três mil tropas Dominican transportadas por via aérea, e mais tarde a uma outra força que aterrasse em Oriente.

O tyranny de Batista foi derrotado janeiro em 1o, 1959, em agradecimentos aos sopros duros negociados pelo exército Rebel e na batida geral revolucionária. O estado repressive veio desintegrando-se abaixo tudo durante todo o console e o Batista à esquerda para a república Dominican. Viajou lá na companhia de outros caráteres sinister desse regime tais como o poço - thug conhecido Lutgardo Martin Perez, seu 25 anos - filho velho Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez, e em um grupo dos chefes militares superiores de seu exército derrotado.

Batista oferecido Trujillo uma boa vinda morna e acomodado lhe em uma residência oficial para distinto convidado, embora o emitisse mais tarde a um hotel luxurious. Foi concernido sobre o exemplo da volta Cuban, conseqüentemente, contou nos chefes superiores do exército anterior de Batista e na sustentação provável dos dez dos milhares dos membros das três filiais do exército e das polícias, para organizar um counterrevolution e para suportá-lo com o Legion do Cararibe, que pôde ter tido aproximadamente 25 mil soldados do exército Dominican.

A administração dos E.U., estando ciente destas plantas, emitido um oficial do CIA a Santo Domingo falar com Trujillo e avaliar suas plantas de encontro a Cuba. Pelo meio fevereiro 1959, este homem encontrou-se com com John Abbes Garcia, cabeça dos serviços de inteligência Dominican a quem recomendou emitir agentes aos elementos hostis do recruta nos Rank da volta victorious. Não disse que o governo dos E.U. teve já William Alexander Morgan Ruderth, um cidadão americano e o agente do CIA, que infiltrated a segunda parte dianteira no Escambray, um homem que tinham promovido ao Rank do comandante e que era um dos chefes principais lá.

O desenvolvimento destes eventos, que fazem para uma história fascinante, pode ser encontrado nos livros de oficiais Cuban sênior da inteligência e de segurança, nos testimonies dos líderes de unidades militares do exército Rebel que foram envolvidos diretamente, nos autobiographies, as indicações oficiais feitas naqueles dias e os relatórios pelos journalists nacionais e extrangeiros, todo o quem seria impossível mencionar nesta reflexão.

Há um outro livro no processo da publicação escrito por um camarada que junte as milícias quando era 17, e que para suas conduta boa e mente afiada foi transferido então ao ministro principal e ao comandante no detalhe da segurança de chefe onde estudou para se tornar um stenographer, então fêz exame de notas das conversações e coletou o testimony das centenas dos participants nos eventos que narra. Este capítulo da história de nossa volta tem recounted ainda.

Como é compreendido, os líderes revolucionários superiores eram constantemente informed da notícia sobre as plantas do inimigo. Nós conceived então a idéia de negociar o counterrevolution de Yankee, de Batista e de Trujillo um sopro duro.

Quando todas as armas emitidas pelo mar de Florida para realizar as primeiras ações e os chefes e os plotadores eram sob o controle estrito, nós simulamos um counterrevolution bem sucedido na zona montanhosa de Escambray, e em Trinidad, que teve um airstrip. Nós proseguimos então isolar a municipalidade da cidade pequena e amigável isso onde o trabalho político revolucionário intensified.

Trujillo estava cheio do entusiasmo. Uma companhia de nossos soldados disfarçados como camponeses shouted no airstrip: “Trujillo vivo longo! Para baixo com Fidel! “que foi relatado às matrizes na república Dominican. Tinham deixado cair a abundância dos ammunitions dos planos. Tudo unfolding de acordo com a planta.

Agosto em 13o, um plano veio dentro com um envoy especial de Trujillo. Era Luis del Pozo Jimenez, filho de um mayor e de um seguidor anteriores de Batista no capital e uma figura proeminente com o regime. Indicou em um mapa as posições que seriam bombardeadas pela força aérea Dominican e inquiridas sobre o número dos legionnaires necessários no primeiro estágio.

Um outro envoy notável veio com ele. Era Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez que, como nós temos indicado já, tinha viajado com seus pai e Batista enquanto se escaparam à república Dominican esse janeiro 1o. Foi acompanhado por diversos líderes do mercenary que permaneceriam atrás. O plano teve que ir para trás. Seu grupo era o mesmo que tinha carregado Batista quando funcionou afastado.

Eu estava na proximidade do airstrip com Camilo Cienfuegos e outros chefes militares. A cabeça do pessoal militar Cuban que teve que descarregar as armas e o equipamento de comunicação tinha compreendido que devem prender o grupo do avião. Neste momento, um copiloto realizou que algo era tiro errado neles e um shootout seguiu. Os envoys de Trujillo e os outros chefes do mercenary foram prendidos então. Havia umas víctimas.

Que a mesma noite eu visitei o ferido de ambos os lados. Nós não poderíamos ir adiante com a planta. Acima de até então, as comunicações entre Trujillo e o counterrevolution no Escambray tinham ocorrido através da onda curta. Da transmissão de rádio oficial da estação de Trujillos relatórios militares triunfantes similares àqueles que nós nos ouviríamos da cisne e de Miami de rádio nos dias de Giron. Nós nunca usamos estações públicas de Cuba espalhar relatórios oficiais falsos.

Seria possível continuar com o jogo mesmo depois que o plano tinha sido apreendido e Luis del Pozo Jimenez e Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez foram prendidos. Nós poderíamos faked uma falha do mecânico do plano que deve ter retornado lá, mas que misled e tinha confundido nossos povos, que eram então por agitado sobre a notícia sobre as vitórias counterrevolutionary alegadas em Escambray publicamente espalham da cidade de Trujillo.

Esse agosto 13, 1959 era meu 33o aniversário. Eu estava em minha prima, fisicamente e mentalmente forte.

Era uma vitória revolucionária principal, mas ao mesmo tempo um sinal sobre os tempos que viriam e um presente sad de Rafael Leonidas Trujillo em meu anniversary. Vinte meses mais tarde nós estaríamos lutando em Giron; haveria uma violência e um bloodshed no Escambray, pela costa do mar, nas cidades e toda sobre o país. Era o counterrevolution organizado pelos Estados Unidos.

Nesse país executariam Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez e Luis del Pozo Jimenez, porque mercenaries no serviço de um poder inimigo. As cortes revolucionárias sentenciaram-nos à prisão, e não mistreated. Que era o destiny final de Martin Perez? Migrou aos Estados Unidos, legalmente, e é hoje um portador padrão do Mafia americano Cuban do terrorista que suporta o candidato republicano McCain.

Um distintos journalist e investigador canadenses, Jean-Guy Allard, descrevem a vida do terrorista de Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez como segue:

“… no fato, desde cedo dentro sua vida, `' (seu nickname) Martin Macho Perez juntou as polícias de Batista e, para seus méritos especiais, isto é, sua batida dos prisioneiros nos últimos meses do regime sangrento, ganhou o Rank do Sergeant.

“Ambos, o pai e o filho eram assim perto de Batista que, janeiro em 1o, 1959, em vez de funcionar afastado a Miami, seguiram o ditador a seu sanctuary na república Dominican.

“… liberado maio em 29, 1987… em 1989 juntou a fundação nacional americana Cuban (CANF) estabelecida pelo CIA sob Ronald Reagan.

“Muito logo estaria conduzindo ao comitê paramilitary criado por esta organização que assegura o financiamento, entre outros, do alfa 66 do grupo do terrorista e de outros grupos extremist que agem de encontro a Cuba.

“… Martin Perez Rodriguez fêz exame parte no arranjo de uma série de tentativas falhadas na vida do presidente de Cuba durante vários Summits do americano de Ibero.

“Em 1994, na ocasião do comparecimento de Fidel ao 4o Summit, em Cartagena de Indias, Colômbia… comprou um injetor e os explosivos do Barret de 50 milímetros que fossem transferidos a Colômbia de Miami… pelo plano!

“… traçou com Jimenez Escobedo e Eugenio LLameras com uma vista ao 5o Summit americano de Ibero em 1995. Que ano, revived a mesma planta para o Summit Non alinhado do movimento, também em Cartagena de Indias, Colômbia.

“Em 1997, no console de Margarita, Venezuela, na ocasião do 7o Summit americano de Ibero das cabeças de Sate e governo, o Posada montou um outro conspiracy com sustentação direta de Martin Perez Rodriguez e outros líderes de CANF…”

“… assinou a declaração da sustentação para o terrorismo de encontro a Cuba publicada pela fundação em agosto 11o… Roberto Martin Perez, Feliciano Foyo e Horacio Garcia é algum do Posada dos povos nomeado publicamente como os financeiros do `' de suas ações do terrorista durante sua entrevista com os tempos de New York em 1997.

“… patrocinou em Miami um exhibition das pinturas [Orlando] por Bosch e por Posada [Carriles], dois masterminds do sabotage de encontro ao plano civil Cuban, em 1976, onde 73 povos foram matados.

“Em 1998, o advogado grande do prisioneiro político do `' realizou uma de suas ações mais sujas: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Den riktiga berättelsen och utmaningen av de kubanska journalisterna
Automatically translated into Swedish thanks to WorldLingo
Reflexioner av Fidel:



SJU dagar sedan skrev jag omkring en av de stora manarna i historia: Salvador Allende, en man som världen mindes med djup sinnesrörelse och respekt på hans första hundraårsjubileum. Emellertid inget darrade återkallade eller även datera av Oktober 24, 1891, då den dominikanska despoten Rafael Leonidas Trujillo var född, en arton år för vår beundrade chilenska broder.

Båda länder, man i det karibiskt och annan i ytterlighetsöderna av Latinamerikan, led följderna av faran som Jose Marti förutsåg och försökte för att avstyra. Märka till hans mexicanska vän som han indikerade i hans berömda postumt, som hade slagits med Juarez, --och denna är en idé som jag tröttar aldrig av att upprepa: ”Nu, förhindrar I-förmiddagen som är daglig i fara av att ge mitt liv… till i rätt tid, med självständigheten av Kuban som Förenta staterna utvidgar över Antillesna, och som, med den extra styrka, de kan komma mot våra amerikanländer. Allt som jag har gjort till today, och allt jag ska, är för det ämnar. ”

Var vår segerrika rotation en vän av Allende, samtidigt det hatade Trujillo. Denna var en uncouth Pinochet som avlades av Förenta staterna i det karibiskt. Despoten hade varit resultatet av en av Yankeesen' militära ingripanden i ön, som landet delar med Haiti, ett land som var den första spanska kolonin.

Amerikanmarininfanterit hade invaderat att systerrepubliken som säkrar dess strategiskt land som är ekonomiskt och intresserar. Naturligtvis fanns det inte ens en Platt rättelse där som ska täckas upp handlingen med ett lagligt ansvar.

I 1918 rekryterade de, bland andra, den äventyrliga och ambitiösa infödda dominikanen, sonen av en liten köpman, som därefter utbildades och medgavs, som 27 som var åriga, till medborgarearmén. I 1921 gick han på till en annan utbildning jagar med den militära akademin som var etablerad vid landets ockupanter. Efter han avslutade sig där, var han den bestämda enhetschefen, och främjat till det frodigt av kaptenen för servar betald till interventioniststyrkorna, även om han inte var föregående en Lieutenant.

På avsluta av den Yankee ockupationen i 1924 var Trujillo ordnar till för att agera, som en instrumentera av Förenta staterna i kick postar i militären, som han skulle bruk att handla klassiker etat för direktstöten Det' och de typiska ”demokratiska valen” som leder honom till presidentsämbetet av republiken i 1930. Början av his benämner sammanträffat med åren av den stora fördjupningen som slår US-ekonomin så dåligt.

Kuba landet mest anhörig och fjättrat av handelöverenskommelserna som stås för att lida de strängaste följderna av den kris. Å ena sidan baserar det sjö-, och förödmjuka och obefogat för den skulle rättelsen ger dem konstitutionell rättighet för att ingripa i vår nation, och att riva lappar den härlig historia.

I det neighboring landet med mindre rikta ekonomiskt beroende, det klipskt, och ambitiösa Trujillo behandlade whimsically rekvisitan av den dominikanska medelklassen och oligarkin. Ha som huvudämnesockret mal, och många andra näringsgrenar blev hans privata egenskap. Den kult till det privata anslaget kränkte inte de kapitalistiska begreppen av väldet. Många neon tecken fordrade överallt ”guden och Trujillo.”, Många städer, avenyer, vägar och byggnader namngavs efter honom eller hans släktingar. Samma år blev han presidenten, en orkan som hårt sloggs på Santo Domingo, landets huvudstad. Efter staden återställde från skadorna, bytte namn på han den den Trujillo staden. Aldrig för hade en bekant sådan personlighetskult för världen.

I året 1937, bar han ut längs gränsa en enorm massaker av haitira arbetare. Detta var his reserverar arbetsstyrka i jordbruk och konstruktion.

Han var en stödjaUS-bundsförvant. Han var involverad i inceptionen av både Förenta nationen och OASEN i 1948. På December 15, 1952, reste blev han till Washington i hans annan kapacitet, som den plenipotentiary ambassadören till organisationen av amerikanen påstår och däri landet för tre och en halva månader. På Juli 2, 1954, reste han till Spanien ombord en transatlantic ship som tog honom till Vigo. Franco, som var redan en bundsförvant av väldet, välkomnade honom på den Madrid norden posterar medföljt av alla medlemmar av den diplomatiska Corp.en

Mitt förhållande med Dominikanska republiken daterar tillbaka till min dagar på universitetar. Jag hade hedrats med en tidsbeställning till presidenten av kommittén för dominikansk demokrati. Det lät inte som ett mycket viktigt placerar, men, sedan jag var sorten av upproriskt, tog jag den allvarligt. Tiden att göra något kom upp oväntat. Den landsförvisade dominikanen vårdade i Kuba skapelsen av en expeditions- styrka. Jag enlisted med det, då jag inte hade ännu avslutat min andraårsstuderande. Jag var 21 gammala år.

Jag har berättat berättelsen för av vad händde därefter. Efter den frustrerade Cayo Confites expeditionen var jag inte bland över ettusenfång som togs till Columbia det militära lägret, var Juan Bosch gick på en hungerstrejk. Dessa manar hade spärrats in av huvudet av armén i Kuban, General Perez Dameras, som hade mottagit pengar från Trujillo för att fånga upp expeditionen. Generalen gjorde denna, då det expeditions- var nästan lindapassagen.

En kubansk marinfrigate som siktar med dess pilbågekanoner på vårt ledande fartyg, beställde oss för att gå tillbaka och ansluta på Antilla'sens port. Jag hoppar därefter in i bevattna av den Nipe fjärden samman med tre annan som är expeditions-. Vi var fyra beväpnade manar.

Jag hade mött Juan Bosch, en utstående dominikansk ledare, i Cayo Confites, var vi utbildade, och vi talade på längden. Han var inte chefen av expeditionen, men han var bestämt den mest prestigefulla personligheten bland dominikanerna, om även han ignorerades av några av de huvudsakliga ledarna av den rörelse och av de kubanska hövdingarna som hade snarlik viktig och väl betald officiell förbindelse. Jag var därefter mycket långtifrån jämn föreställa detta den I-förmiddaghandstil i dag!

Elva mer sistnämnda år, då vårt slagsmål på de toppig bergskedjaMaestra bergen skulle just lyckat att avsluta, beviljade Trujillo en kreditera till Batista till köpvapen och ammunitions, som koms med av plant i andra kvartal av 1958. Han ställa upp som frivillig också till luftburna tre tusen dominikanska soldater, och mer sistnämnd en annan styrka som skulle land i Oriente.

Batistas tyranny besegrades på Januari 1st, 1959, tack till de hårda slagen som handlades av den rebelliska armén och det revolutionära allmänna slaget. Det undertryckande statligt kom smula besegrar all alltigenom ön, och Batista lämnade för Dominikanska republiken. Han reste där i företaget av andra illavarslande tecken av det styre liksom den välkända thugen Lutgardo Martin Perez, hans 25 åriga son Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez och en grupp av de bästa militära cheferna av hans besegrade armé.

Trujillo erbjöd Batista en varm välkomnande och hyste honom på en officiell uppehåll för distingerad gäst, även om honom mer sistnämnd som överfördes honom till ett lyxigt hotell. Han angicks över exemplet av den kubanska rotationen, därför räknade han på de bästa cheferna av Batistas tidigare armé, och den rimliga servicen av de tiotusentals medlemmarna av armén tre förgrena sig, och polisen, att organisera en counterrevolution och att stötta den med den karibiska legionen, som kan, har haft omkring 25 tusen soldater från den dominikanska armén.

Us-administrationen och att vara medveten av dessa planerar, överfört en CIA kommendera till Santo Domingo för att tala med Trujillo, och att bedöma his planerar mot Kuba. Vid mitt Februari 1959, mötte denna man med John Abbes Garcia, huvudet av de dominikanska underrättelsetjänsterna som han rekommenderade att överföra till medel till rekryt som, fientliga beståndsdelar i rangordnar av den segerrika rotationen. Han inte något att säga, att US-regeringen hade redan William Alexander Morgan Ruderth, en amerikanmedborgare och CIA-medlet, som hade infiltrerat understödja beklär i Escambrayen, en man som de hade främjat till det frodigt av kommendörkaptenen, och som var en av de huvudsakliga cheferna där.

Utvecklingen av dessa händelser, som gör för en fascinerande berättelse, kan finnas i bokar av hög kubansk intelligens, och säkerhet kommenderar, i vittnesbörd av ledare av militära enheter av den rebelliska armén som var direkt involverade, i självbiografier, officiella meddelanden som gjordes i de dagar, och rapporter av medborgare och utländska journalister, alla av vem den skulle är omöjliga till omnämnande i denna reflexion.

Det finns another bokar i det processaa av publikationen som är skriftlig av en kamrat som sammanfogade milisarna, då han var 17, och, som för hans bra uppförande och kor varar besvärad, överfördes därefter till premiärministern och kommendörkaptenen i chef säkerhet specificerar var honom som var utstuderad att bli en stenographer, då tog noterar av konversationerna och samlade vittnesbörden av hundratals deltagare i skeendet som, han berättar. Detta kapitel av historien av vår rotation har ännu att räknas om.

Som förstås, var de bästa revolutionära ledarna constantly informed av nyheterna om fienden planerar. Vi tänkte ut därefter idén av att handla Yankees, Batistas och Trujillos counterrevolution ett hårt slag.

Då vapnen som överfördes av havet från Florida för att bära ut de första handlingarna och cheferna och plottarna, var, kontrollerar alla under strikt, simulerade vi en lyckad counterrevolution i den bergiga Escambrayen zonplanerar, och i Trinidad, som hade en airstrip. Vi fortsatte därefter till isolaten municipalityen av den små och vänliga town var revolutionärt politiskt arbete intensifierades.

Trujillo var full av entusiasm. Ett företag av våra soldater som förställdes som bönder, ropade på airstripen: ”Långa levande Trujillo! Besegra med Fidel! ”som anmäldes till högkvarter i Dominikanska republiken. De hade tappat alldeles av ammunitions från hyvlar. Allt veckla upp enligt planerar.

På Augusti 13th, kom ett plant in med en special sändebud från Trujillo. Det var Luis del Pozo Jimenez, sonen av en tidigare borgmästare, och den Batista anhängaren i huvudstaden och ett framstående figurerar med styret. Han pekade ut på en kartlägga placerar att skulle bombarderas av det dominikanska flygvapnet och frågat om numrera av legionnaires som är nödvändiga i första arrangera.

En annan noterbar sändebud kom med honom. Det var Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez som, som vi har redan indikerat, hade rest med hans fader och Batista, som de flydde till Dominikanska republiken den Januari 1st. Han medföljdes av flera legosoldatledare som skulle stag bakom. Det plant måste att gå tillbaka. Dess besättning var samma som hade burit Batista, då han körde bort.

Jag var i närheten av airstripen med Camilo Cienfuegos och andra militära chefer. Huvudet av de kubanska militär personal, som måste att lasta av vapnen och kommunikationsutrustningen, hade förstått att de bör arrestera flygplanbesättningen. På detta peka, realiserade en copilot att något sköts orätt på dem och en shootout földe. Trujillos envoys och de andra legosoldatcheferna arresterades därefter. Det fanns olycksoffer.

Att samma natt jag besökte det såradt från båda sidor. Vi kunde inte gå framåt med planera. Upp, tills därefter, kommunikationer mellan Trujillo och counterrevolutionen i Escambrayen hade ägt rum till och med kort stavelse, vinka. Trujilloss sänder officiella radiostation triumferas militära rapporter som var liknande till de som vi skulle hör från radiosände swanen och Miami i dagarna av Giron. Vi använde aldrig Kuba allmänhet posterar till spridda falska officiella rapporter.

Det skulle har varit möjligheten som fortsätter med leken, efter även det plant hade gripits, och Luis del Pozo Jimenez och Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez arresterades. Vi kunde ha fejkat ett mekanikerfel av det plant som bör ha gått tillbaka där, men, som skulle, ha vilselett och förvirrat vårt folk, som var vid därefter rastlöst över nyheterna om de föregav counterrevolutionary segrarna i Escambray publicly spridning från den Trujillo staden.

Det Augusti 13, 1959 var min 33rd födelsedag. Jag var i min början, fysiskt och mentalt starkt.

Det var en revolutionär seger för ha som huvudämne, men samtidigt en signalera om tiderna, att skulle kommet och en ledsen, gåva från Rafael Leonidas Trujillo på min årsdag. Tjugo månader mer sistnämnd skulle vi slåss på Giron; det skulle finns våld och blodsutgjutelsen i Escambrayen, vid havskusten, i towns och all över landet. Det var counterrevolutionen som organiserades av Förenta staterna.

Däri land som de skulle har utfört Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez och Luis del Pozo Jimenez, som legosoldater i det tjänste- av en fiende driver. De revolutionära domstolarna dömde dem för att fängsla, och de mistreated inte. Var vad finalöden av Martin Perez? Han migrated till Förenta staterna, lagligt, och han är i dag en standard bärare av den kubanska amerikanterroristmaffian som stöttar den republikanska kandidaten McCain.

En distingerad kanadensisk journalist och forskare, Jean-Grabben Allard, beskriver terroristlivet av Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez som följer:

”… i faktum, efter tidig sort i hans liv, `macho' (his smeknamn) Martin Perez sammanfogade den Batista polisen, och, för hans speciala meriter, är det, hans stryk av fången i de sist månaderna av det blodiga styret, honom tjänade det frodigt av sergeanten.

”Var båda, fadern och sonen så nästan Batista som, på Januari 1st, 1959, i stället för spring bort till Miami, de följde diktatorn till hans fristad i Dominikanska republiken.

”… utsläppt på maj 29, 1987… i 1989 sammanfogade han det kubanska amerikanmedborgarefundamentet (CANF) som var etablerat vid CIAEN under Ronald Reagan.

”Skulle han leder mycket snart den paramilitära kommittén som skapades av denna organisation som ser till finansieringen, bland andra, av terroristgruppalfabetisken 66 och andra extremistiska grupper som agerar mot Kuba.

”… Tog Martin Perez Rodriguez delen i ordningen av en serie av missade försök på livet presidenten av Kuban under olika Ibero amerikantoppmöten.

”I 1994, på orsaka av Fidels uppslutning till det 4th toppmötet, i Cartagena de Indias, Colombia… inhandlade han ett Barretvapen och sprängmedel för en mm 50 som överfördes till Colombia från Miami… av plant!

”… konspirerade han med Jimenez Escobedo och Eugenio LLameras med en beskåda till det 5th Ibero amerikantoppmötet i 1995. Det år upplivade han samma planerar för det alliansfria rörelsetoppmötet, också i Cartagena de Indias, Colombia.

”I 1997, på margaritaön, Venezuela, på orsaka av det 7th Ibero amerikantoppmötet av huvud av Sate och regeringen, monterade posadaen en annan komplott med riktar service från Martin Perez Rodriguez, och andra ledare av CANF…”

”… undertecknade han förklaringen av service för terrorism mot Kuban som publicerades av fundamentet på Augusti 11th… Roberto Martin Perez, Feliciano Foyo, och Horacio Garcia är några av folket Posada som namnges publicly, som `- finansiärerna av hans terrorist åtgärdar under hans intervju med New York Times i 1997.

”… sponsrade han i Miami en utställning av målningar av [Orlando] Bosch, och posadaen [Carriles], de två genierna av sabotaget mot den kubanska civilisten hyvlar, i 1976, var 73 folk dödades.

”I 1998, bar den stora förkämpen av det politiska fånget för `' ut en av hans smutsigaste gärningar: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Поистине рассказ и возможность кубинских журналистов
Automatically translated into Russian thanks to WorldLingo
Отражения Fidel:



7 дней тому назад я написал около один из больших людей в истории: Salvador Allende, человек мир вспомненный с глубокими взволнованностью и уважением на его первое centennial. Однако, no one трепетали or even вспомнили дату 24-ое октября 1891, когда было принесено доминиканское despot Рафаэль Leonidas Trujillo, 18 лет перед нашим восшхищенным чилийским братом.

Оба страны, одно в Caribbean и другое в весьма юге латинской америки, вытерпели последствия опасности которая Jose Marti обеспечило и попыталось для того чтобы отвратить. По мере того как он показал в его отпразднованном posthumous письме к его мексиканскому другу воевал с Juarez, --и это не будет автошиной идеи iего никогда повторять: «Теперь, я ежедневный в опасности давать мою жизнь… к своевременному предотвращаю с независимостью Кубы которую Соединенные Штаты расширяют над Антильскими островами и которую, с тем дополнительным усилием, они могут прийти против наших американских земель. Все, котор я не сделать до сегодня, и все я сделаю, для той цели. «

Нашим победоносным витком был друг Allende, в то же самое время его ненавидел Trujillo. Это было uncouth Pinochet порожденное Соединенными Штатами в Caribbean. Despot был результат одного из интервенции Yankees' воинские в острове страна делит с Гаити, стране которая была первой испанской колонией.

Американская пехота военно-морского флота вторгнулась то братская республика к безопасный стратегические интересы своей страны хозяйственные и. Of course, не было ровно поправка Platt там, котор нужно покрыть вверх по действию с законной хламидой.

В 1918, они завербовали, среди других, авантюрное и честолюбивое родное доминиканское, сынок малого купечества, которое после этого натренировало и впустило, как 27 год - старых, к национальные войска. В 1921, он пошел дальше к другому курсу подготовки при военная академия установленное occupants страны. После того как он закончил там, он был назначен вождем блока и повышен к ряду капитана для обслуживаний оплащенных к усилиям интервента, хотя он не был ранее лейтенантом.

На конце занятия Yankee в 1924, Trujillo было готово подействовать как аппаратура Соединенных Штатов в высоких столбах в воискаах, которым он использовал бы общаться классицистический военный переворот и типичные «демократические избрания» водя его к президентству республики в 1930. Начало его термины совпало с летами большого нажатия ударило экономики США настолько плох.

Куба, страны иждивенец больше всего и shackled торгового соглашение, котор стоят для того чтобы вытерпеть самые строгие последствия того кризиса. С другой стороны, военноморское основание и humiliating и unwarranted для поправкы дали бы им конституционные права вмешаться в нашей нации и сорваться к частям она славная история.

В соседняя страна, с направьте экономическая зависимость, прозорливое и честолюбивое Trujillo отрегулировало whimsically свойства доминиканского среднего класса и олигархии. Главные станы сахара и много других ветвей индустрии стали его личной собственностью. Тот культ к приватному ассигнованию не обидел принципиальные схемы капиталиста империи. Много neon знаков востребовали везде «бога и Trujillo.» Много города, бульвары, дороги и зданий были названы после его или его родственников. Такой же год он стал президентом, ураганом ударенным крепко на Santo Domingo, столице страны. После того как город взял от повреждений, он переименовал его городом Trujillo. Никогда перед имел мир известный такой культ личности.

В годе 1937, он унес вдоль граници огромное massacre работников Haitian. Это было его рабочая сила запаса в земледелии и конструкции.

Он был устоичивым союзником США. Он включился в inception как Организации Объединенных Наций, так и OAS в 1948. 15-ого декабря 1952, он переместил к вашингтону в его другой емкости как полномочное посол к организации американских государств и остался в той стране для 3 с половиной месяцев. 2-ого июля 1954, он переместил к Испании на заатлантическом корабле который принял его к Vigo. Franco, который был уже союзником империи, приветствовал его на станции Madrid северной сопровоженной всеми членами дипломатического cCorp.

Мое отношение с Доминиканской Республикой date back к моим дням на университете. Я был удостоин с назначением к президенту комитета для доминиканского народовластия. Оно не звучало как очень важное положение, но в виду того что я был вроде rebellious, я принял его серьезно. Время сделать что-то come up непредвиденно. Доминиканское exiled после того как оно воспитано в Кубе творение экспедиционного усилия. Я завербовал с им когда я пока не завершил мою второкурсницу. Я был 21 лет старый.

Я говорил рассказ раньше случилось после этого. После расстроенной экспедиции Cayo Confites, я не находился среди над тысячей пленниками принятыми к лагерю Columbia воинскому, куда Хуан Bosch пошло на голодовкы. Эти люди были incarcerated командующим вооруженными силами в Кубе, генералитете Perez Dameras, который получил деньг от Trujillo для того чтобы перехватить экспедицию. Генералитет сделал это когда экспедиционные были close to проход ветра.

Кубинский фрегат военно-морского флота, направляя с своими карамболями смычка на нашу leading шлюпку, приказал, что мы возвратили и состыковали на порте Antilla. Я после этого скачу в воду залива Nipe совместно с 3 другими экспедиционными. Мы были 4 подготовленных люд.

Я встречал Хуан Bosch, выдающий доминиканский руководителя, в Cayo Confites, где мы натренировали, и мы поговорили подробно. Он не был вождем экспедиции но он был некоторо prestigious личностью среди Dominicans, even if он был проигнорирован некоторыми из GLAVNых руководителей того движения и кубинскими chieftains которые имели довольно важное и хорошее paid официальную связь. Я был после этого очень far from даже представлять это что я пишу сегодня!

11 лет более поздно, когда наша драка на Sierra горах Maestra должна была около успешно заключить, Trujillo дарило кредит к Batista для того чтобы купить оружия и ammunitions, которые были принесены плоскостью в вторая четверти 1958. Он также волонтирил к воздушнодесантным 3 тысячи доминиканским войскам, и более поздно другому усилию которое приземлилось бы в Oriente.

Тиранство Batista было нанесено поражение 1-ого января 1959, спасибо тяжелый удар общанные Rebel армией и революционное общая забастовка. Репрессивное положение пришло крошащ вниз с всех повсеместно в остров и Batista налево для Доминиканской Республики. Он переместил там в компанию других sinister характеров того режима such as добро - известный бандит Lutgardo Мартин Perez, его 25 год - старый сынок Роберто Мартин Perez Rodriguez, и группу в составе верхние воинские вожди его нанесенной поражение армии.

Trujillo предложило Batista теплыйую встречу и приспособило его на официальной резиденции для distinguished гостя, хотя он более поздно послал его к роскошной гостинице. Он относился над примером кубинского витка, поэтому, он подсчитал на верхних вождях армии Batista бывшей и правоподобной поддержке 10 тысяч членов 3 ветвей армии и полиций, для того чтобы организовать counterrevolution и поддержать его с карибским легионом, который мог иметь около 25 тысяч воинов от доминиканской армии.

Правительство США, был осведомленно этих планов, послано офицером C I A к Santo Domingo разговаривать с Trujillo и определить его планы против Кубы. midst февралем 1959, этот человек встречал с Джон Abbes Garcia, головкой доминиканских служб к которым он порекомендовал послать вещества к элементам рекрута вражеским в рядах победоносного витка. Он не сказал что правительство США уже имело William Александр Morgan Ruderth, американский гражданина и вещество C I A, которое проинфильтрировали второй фронт в Escambray, человек, котор они повысили к ряду командира и которое было одним из GLAVNых вождей там.

Развитие этих случаев, которые делают для fascinating рассказа, можно найти в книгах старшей кубинской сведении и сотрудников охраны, в свидетельствованиях руководителей боевых частей Rebel армии которой сразу включил, в автобиографии, официальные заявления сделанные в тех днях и рапорты национальными и чужими журналистами, всей из было бы невозможно упомянуть в этом отражении.

Будет другая книга in the process of издание написанное камрадом соединил ополчения когда он был 17, и который для его хорошего проведения и острого разума после этого был перенесен к премьер-министру и командиру в детали обеспеченностью вождя где он изучил для становления stenographer, тогда принял примечания переговоров и собрал свидетельствование сотни участников в случаях, котор он повествует. Эта глава истории нашего витка имеет пока быть переучтенным.

Как понимает, верхние революционные руководители были постоянн informed новостей о планах противника. Мы после этого поняли идею общаться counterrevolution Yankee, Batista и Trujillo тяжелый удар.

Когда оружия посланные морем от Florida для того чтобы унести первые действия и вожди и прокладчиков были всеми под только управлением, мы сымитировали успешно counterrevolution в гористой зоне Escambray, и в Тринидаде, который имел airstrip. Мы после этого продолжали изолировать муниципалитет городка того малого и содружественного где революционная политическая работа была сделана интенсивней.

Trujillo было полно восторга. Компания наших воинов замаскированных как селянин крикнула на airstrip: «Trujillo длиной в реальном маштабе времени! Вниз с Fidel! «было сообщено к штабам в Доминиканской Республике. Они упали множество ammunitions от плоскостей. Все раскрывало согласно плану.

13-ого августа, плоскость пришла внутри с специальное envoy от Trujillo. Это было Луис del Pozo Jimenez, сынком бывшего мэр и следующего Batista в столице и видно рисунком с режимом. Он point out на карте положения были бы ы доминиканскими Военно-воздушными силами и бы запрошены о числе legionnaires обязательно в первом этапе.

Другое знатное envoy пришло с им. Это было Роберто Мартин Perez Rodriguez, по мере того как мы уже показывали, переместило с его отцом и Batista по мере того как они избеубежали к Доминиканской Республике которая 1-ое января. Он был сопровожен несколькими mercenary руководителей остались бы позади. Плоскость должна пойти назад. Свой экипаж был этим же снесло Batista когда он побежал прочь.

Я находился в близости airstrip с Camilo Cienfuegos и другими воинскими вождями. Головка кубинского воинского персонала должен расгрузити оружия и коммуникационное оборудование поняла что они должны арестовать экипаж самолета. С этой точки зрения, copilot осуществил что что-то было неправильной съемкой на их и shootout ensued. Envoys и другие mercenary вожди Trujillo после этого были арестованы. Были casualties.

Что такая же ноча я посетил wounded от обеих сторон. Мы не смогли пойти вперед с планом. Вверх по until then, сообщения между Trujillo и counterrevolution в Escambray осуществили через короткую волну. Передачи радиостанции Trujillos отчеты о официальной triumphant воинские подобные к тем, котор мы услышали бы от Radio лебедя и Miami в днях Giron. Мы никогда не использовали станция общественного вещания Кубы для того чтобы распространить ложные официальные отчеты.

Было бы по возможности продолжать с игрой even after плоскость была заедана и были арестованы Луис del Pozo Jimenez и Роберто Мартин Perez Rodriguez. Мы смогли faked отказ механика плоскости должна возвратить там, но который ввело бы в заблуждение и смутило бы наши люди, которые были by then неусидчивы над новостями о alleged контрреволюционных победах в Escambray общественно распространяют от города Trujillo.

Тем 13-ое августа 1959 был мой 33rd день рождения. Я находился в моем главном, физическ и умственно сильно.

Это было главной революционной победой, но в то же самое время сигналом о временах которые пришли бы и унылым подарком от Рафаэль Leonidas Trujillo на моей годовщине. 20 месяцев более поздно мы воевали бы на Giron; было бы расправа и кровопролитие в Escambray, берегом моря, в городках и повсюду стране. Это было counterrevolution организованным Соединенными Штатами.

В той стране они исполнили бы Роберто Мартин Perez Rodriguez и Луис del Pozo Jimenez, по мере того как mercenaries в обслуживании враждебной силы. Революционные суды присудили им к тюрьме, и они не были mistreated. Было окончательным destiny Мартин Perez? Он проник к Соединенным Штатам, законно, и он будет сегодня стандартным подателем кубинского американского террориста Mafia который поддерживает республиканский выбранный McCain.

Distinguished канадские журналист и исследователь, Jean-Ванта Allard, описывают жизнь террориста Роберто Мартин Perez Rodriguez следующим образом:

«… в действительности, с раньше внутри его жизни, `Macho' (его прозвище) Мартин Perez соединил полиций Batista и, для его специальных заслуг, that is, его подпаливания пленников в последних месяцах кровопролитного режима, он заработал ряд Sergeant.

«Оба, отец и сынок были так close to Batista которое, 1-ого января 1959, вместо бежать прочь к Miami, они последовало за dictator к его святилищу в Доминиканской Республике.

«… после того как я выпущен 29-ого мая 1987… в 1989 он соединил кубинское американское национальное учредительство (CANF) установленное C I A под Рональд Рейган.

«Он очень скоро водил бы paramilitary комитет созданный этой организацией обеспечивает финансирование, среди другой, из альфаы 66 группы террориста и других экстремистских групп действуя против Кубы.

«… Мартин Perez Rodriguez приняло участие в расположении серии вылтинных из строя попыток на жизни президент Кубы во время различных саммитов американца Ibero.

«В 1994, on the occasion of посещаемость Fidel к 4-ому саммиту, в Cartagena de Indias, Колумбии… он закупил пушку и взрывчатки Barret 50 миллиметров которая были перенесены к Колумбии от Miami… плоскостью!

«… он проложил курс с Jimenez Escobedo и Eugenio LLameras with a view to 5-ый саммит Ibero американский в 1995. Что год, он возродил такой же план для Non выровнянного саммита движения, также в Cartagena de Indias, Колумбии.

«В 1997, на острове Margarita, Венесуэле, on the occasion of 7th саммит Ibero американский головок напитайте и правительство, Posada установило другое конспирацияо с сразу поддержкой от Мартин Perez Rodriguez и другие руководители CANF…»

«… он подписал объявление поддержки для террорисма против Кубы опубликованной учредительством 11-ого августа… Роберто Мартин Perez, Feliciano Foyo и Horacio Garcia некоторые из людей Posada общественно названного как финансисты `' его действий террориста во время его интервью с Нью-Йорк Таймс в 1997.

«… он спонсировал в Miami выставку картин [Orlando] Bosch и Posada [Carriles], 2 masterminds вредительства против кубинской вольнонаемной плоскости, в 1976, где 73 люд были убиты.

«В 1998, большой защитник политического заключенного `' унес один из его самых пакостных документов: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

Het ware verhaal en de uitdaging van de Cubaanse journalisten
Automatically translated into Dutch thanks to WorldLingo
Bezinningen van Fidel:



ZEVEN dagen geleden schreef ik ongeveer één van de grote mensen in geschiedenis: Salvador Allende, een mens de wereld die met diepe emotie en eerbied op zijn eerste honderdjarig wordt herinnerd. Nochtans, trilde niemand of zelfs herinnerde aan de datum van 24 Oktober, 1891, toen Dominicaanse despot Rafaël Leonidas Trujillo, achttien jaar vóór onze bewonderde Chileense broer geboren was.

Beide landen, in de Caraïben en andere in het extreme zuiden van Latijns Amerika, leden aan de gevolgen van het gevaar dat Jose Marti en voorzag probeerde om te voorkomen. Zoals hij in zijn gevierde postume brief aan zijn Mexicaanse vriend wees op die met Juarez had gevochten, --en dit is een idee I nooit band van het herhalen: „Nu, ben ik dagelijks in gevaar om mijn leven… aan geschikt te geven verhinder met de onafhankelijkheid van Cuba die de Verenigde Staten over de Antillen uitbreiden en die, met die extra kracht, zij tegen ons Amerikaans land kunnen komen. Alles heb ik tot vandaag, en alles gedaan ik zal doen, voor dat doel ben. „

Onze victorious Revolutie was een vriend van Allende, tezelfdertijd haatte het Trujillo. Dit was een uncouth Pinochet die door de Verenigde Staten in de Caraïben wordt gecre�ërd. Despot was het resultaat van één militaire acties van van de Yankees de' in het eiland geweest dat het land met Haïti, een land deelt dat de eerste Spaanse kolonie was.

De Amerikaanse infanterie van de Marine was die zusterrepubliek binnengevallen om de economische en strategische belangen van zijn land te beveiligen. Natuurlijk, was er zelfs geen Amendement Platt daar om de actie met een wettelijke mantel omhoog te behandelen.

In 1918, wierven zij, onder anderen, de avontuurlijke en ambitieuze inheemse Dominicaan, de zoon van een kleine handelaar aan, die toen werd opgeleid en werd toegelaten, als 27 jaar - oud, aan het Nationale Leger. In 1921, ging hij op een andere trainingscursus met de Militaire Academie die door de bewoners van het land wordt gevestigd. Nadat hij daar eindigde, werd hij benoemd eenheidsleider en werd aan de rang van Kapitein voor de diensten die aan de interventionistkrachten worden, betaald bevorderd hoewel hij eerder geen Luitenant was.

Aan het eind van het beroep van Yankee in 1924, was Trujillo klaar om als instrument van de Verenigde Staten in hoge posten in militair te handelen, die hij zou gebruiken om de klassieke staatsgreep en de typische „democratische verkiezingen“ te behandelen leidend hem tot het voorzitterschap van de republiek in 1930. Het begin van zijn termijn viel met de jaren van de Grote Depressie samen die de economie van de V.S. zo slecht raakten.

Cuba, het afhankelijkste land en shackled door de handelsakkoorden, die worden bevonden om aan de strengste gevolgen van die crisis te lijden. Enerzijds, zouden de ZeeBasis en het vernederen en ongerechtvaardigd voor Amendement hen constitutionele rechten om in onze natie geven tussenbeide te komen en aan stukken het te scheuren glorious geschiedenis.

In het naburige land, met minder directe economische afhankelijkheid, shrewd en ambitieuze behandelde Trujillo whimsically de eigenschappen van de Dominicaanse middenklasse en de oligarchie. De belangrijkste suikermolens en veel andere bedrijfstakken werden zijn privé bezit. Die cultus aan privé krediet beledigde niet de kapitalistische concepten het imperium. Vele neontekens eisten overal „God en Trujillo.“ Vele steden, wegen, wegen en gebouwen werden genoemd na hem of zijn verwanten. Het zelfde jaar werd hij Voorzitter, een orkaan die hard het het land wordt geraakt kapitaal op van Santo Domingo. Nadat de stad van de schade terugkreeg, noemde hij het anders Trujillo Stad. Nooit vóór had de wereld zulk een persoonlijkheidscultus gekend.

In het jaar 1937, voerde hij langs de grens een reusachtige slachting van Haitian arbeiders uit. Dit was zijn reservearbeidskrachten in landbouw en bouw.

Hij was een regelmatige bondgenoot van de V.S. Hij werd geïmpliceerdr in de aanvang van zowel de Verenigde Naties als OAS in 1948. Op 15 December, 1952, reiste hij naar Washington in zijn andere hoedanigheid als gevolmachtigdeambassadeur naar de Organisatie van Amerikaanse Staten en bleef in dat land voor drie en een half maanden. Op 2 Juli, 1954, reiste hij naar Spanje aan boord van een transatlantisch schip dat hem aan Vigo nam. Franco, die reeds een bondgenoot van het imperium was, heette hem bij de Post van het Noorden van Madrid die door alle leden van diplomatiek corp. wordt begeleid welkom.

Mijn verhouding met de data van de Dominicaanse Republiek terug naar mijn dagen bij de Universiteit. Ik was geëerd met een benoeming aan Voorzitter van het Comité voor Dominicaanse Democratie. Het klonk niet als zeer belangrijke positie, maar aangezien ik van rebellious vriendelijk was, ernstig nam ik het. De tijd om iets te doen kwam onverwacht op. Verbannen Dominicaans bevorderd in Cuba de verwezenlijking van een expeditiekracht. Ik wierf met het aan toen ik nog niet mijn tweedejaarsstudent had voltooid. Ik was 21 jaar oud.

Ik heb het verhaal voordien verteld van wat toen gebeurde. Na de gefrustreerde expeditie van Cayo Confites, was ik niet onder de meer dan duizend gevangenen die aan het militaire kamp van Colombia worden genomen, waar Juan Bosch op een hongerstaking ging. Deze mensen waren incarcerated door het Hoofd van het Leger in Cuba, Algemeen Perez Dameras geweest, dat geld van Trujillo had ontvangen om de expeditie te onderscheppen. Algemeen deed dit toen expeditie dicht bij de Passage van de Wind was.

Een Cubaans fregat van de Marine, dat met zijn boogkanonnen naar onze belangrijke boot streeft, gaf opdracht tot ons om bij de haven van Antilla terug te keren en te dokken. Ik spring dan in het water van de Baai Nipe samen met drie andere expeditie. Wij waren vier bewapende mensen.

Ik had Juan Bosch, een eminente Dominicaanse leider, in Cayo Confites ontmoet, waar wij opleidden, en wij spraken uitvoerig. Hij was niet de leider van de expeditie maar hij was zeker de meest prestigieuze persoonlijkheid onder de Dominicanen, zelfs als hij door enkele hoofdleiders van die beweging en door de Cubaanse leiders die eerder belangrijk hadden en goed betaalde officiële relaties werd genegeerd. Ik was toen zeer verre van zelfs het veronderstellen van dit die ik vandaag schrijf!

Elf later jaar, toen onze strijd op Sierra de Bergen van Maestra ongeveer met succes moest besluiten, verleende Trujillo een krediet aan Batista om wapens en munitie te kopen, die door vliegtuig in het tweede trimester van 1958 werden gebracht. Hij meldde zich ook aan drie duizend Dominicaanse troepen in de lucht, en later een andere kracht aan die in Oriente zouden landen.

Tirannie van Batista werd verslagen op Januari 1, 1959, dankzij de harde slagen die door het RebellenLeger en de revolutionaire algemene staking worden behandeld. De repressieve staat kwam afbrokkelend onderaan allen door het eiland en Batista verlaten voor de Dominicaanse Republiek. Hij reiste daar in het bedrijf van andere sinistere karakters van dat regime zoals de goed - bekende misdadiger Lutgardo Martin Perez, zijn 25 jaar - oude zoon Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez, en een groep de hoogste militaire leiders van zijn verslagen leger.

Trujillo bood Batista een warm onthaal aan en paste hem bij een officiële woonplaats voor voorname gast aan, hoewel hij hem later naar een luxurious hotel stuurde. Hij was betrokken over het voorbeeld van de Cubaanse Revolutie, daarom, hij telde op de hoogste leiders van het vroegere leger van Batista en de waarschijnlijke steun van de tientallen duizenden van leden van de drie legertakken en de politie, om counterrevolution te organiseren en het te steunen met het Caraïbische Legioen, dat ongeveer 25 duizend militairen van het Dominicaanse Leger zou kunnen gehad hebben.

De Amerikaanse regering, die zich bewust van deze plannen, stuurde een ambtenaar van de CIA naar Santo Domingo om met Trujillo te spreken en zijn plannen te beoordelen tegen Cuba is. Door midden Februari 1959, kwam deze mens John Abbes Garcia, hoofd samen van de Dominicaanse diensten van de Intelligentie waarnaar hij adviseerde om agenten aan rekruut te sturen vijandige elementen in de rangen van de victorious Revolutie. Hij zei niet dat de overheid van de V.S. William Alexander Morgan Ruderth, reeds een Amerikaanse burger en de agent van de CIA had, die de Tweede Voorzijde in Escambray hadden geïnfiltreerdg, een mens die zij aan de rang van Bevelhebber hadden bevorderd en die één daar van de belangrijkste leiders was.

De ontwikkeling van deze gebeurtenissen, die voor een fascinerend verhaal maken, kan in de boeken van de hogere Cubaanse ambtenaren van de Intelligentie en van de Veiligheid, in de verklaringen van leiders van militaire eenheden van het RebellenLeger worden gevonden die direct betrokken, bij autobiografieen waren, officiële verklaringen die in die dagen en verslag door nationale en buitenlandse elk van journalisten worden uitgebracht, wie het onmogelijk zou zijn om in deze Bezinning te vermelden.

Er is een ander boek tijdens publicatie die door een kameraad wordt geschreven die van de Milities lid werd toen hij 17 was, en die voor zijn goed gedrag en scherpe mening toen werd overgebracht naar de Eerste Minister en de Bevelhebber in de veiligheidsdetail van de Leider waar hij om een stenograaf bestudeerde te worden, dan nota's van de gesprekken nam en de verklaring van honderden deelnemers in de gebeurtenissen verzamelde die hij heeft verteld. Dit hoofdstuk van de geschiedenis van onze Revolutie heeft nog worden verhaald.

Zoals wordt begrepen, werden de hoogste revolutionaire leiders constant geïnformeerdo over het nieuws over de plannen van de vijand. Wij vatten toen het idee van het behandelen van counterrevolution van Yankee, van Batista op en Trujillo een harde slag.

Toen de wapens die door overzees van Florida worden verzonden om de eerste acties en de leiders en de plotters uit te voeren allen onder strikte controle waren, simuleerden wij succesvolle counterrevolution in de bergachtige streek Escambray, en in Trinidad, dat een landingsbaan had. Wij gingen toen te werk om de gemeente van die kleine en vriendschappelijke stad te isoleren waar het revolutionaire politieke werk werd geïntensifi�ërd.

Trujillo was volledig van enthousiasme. Een bedrijf van onze militairen die als peasants worden vermomd schreeuwde bij de landingsbaan: „Lang levende Trujillo! Onderaan met Fidel! „welke aan hoofdkwartier in de Dominicaanse Republiek werd gemeld. Zij hadden overvloed van munitie van vliegtuigen gelaten vallen. Alles opende volgens plan.

Op 13 Augustus, kwam een vliegtuig binnen met een speciale gezant uit Trujillo. Het was Luis del Pozo Jimenez, de zoon van een vroegere burgemeester en een aanhanger Batista in het kapitaal en een prominent cijfer met het regime. Hij wees op een kaart op de posities die door de Dominicaanse Luchtmacht worden gebombardeerd en onderzocht over het aantal legionnaires noodzakelijk in het eerste stadium.

Een andere opmerkelijke gezant kwam met hem. Het was Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez die, zoals wij reeds op hebben gewezen, met zijn vader en Batista had gereist aangezien zij aan de Dominicaanse Republiek ontsnapten die 1 Januari. Hij werd begeleid door verscheidene mercenary leiders die erachter zouden blijven. Het vliegtuig moest teruggaan. Zijn bemanning was het zelfde dat Batista had gedragen toen hij wegliep.

Ik was in de nabijheid van de landingsbaan met Camilo Cienfuegos en andere militaire leiders. Het hoofd van het Cubaanse militaire personeel dat de wapens en het communicatie materiaal moest leegmaken had begrepen dat zij de vliegtuigenbemanning zouden moeten arresteren. Op dit punt, realiseerde een tweede piloot dat iets verkeerd schot op hen was en een shootout volgde. Trujillo envoys en de andere mercenary leiders werden toen gearresteerd. Er waren slachtoffers.

Die zelfde nacht bezocht ik de gewonde van beide kanten. Wij konden niet met het plan doorgaan. Op tot toenmalig, hadden de communicatie tussen Trujillo en counterrevolution in Escambray door korte golf plaatsgevonden. Van de de radiopost van Trujillos officiële de uitzendings zegevierend militaire rapporten gelijkend op die zouden wij van RadioSwan en Miami in de tijd van Giron horen. Wij gebruikten nooit de openbare posten van Cuba om valse officiële rapporten uit te spreiden.

Het zou mogelijk om met het spel geweest zijn verder te gaan zelfs nadat het vliegtuig was gegrepen en Luis del Pozo Jimenez en Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez werden gearresteerd. Wij konden een mechanische mislukking van het vliegtuig vervalst hebben dat daar zou moeten teruggekeerd zijn, maar dat zou misleid hebben en verward onze mensen, die tegen die tijd rusteloos over het nieuws over de zogenaamde counterrevolutionary overwinningen in Escambray openbaar waren van Trujillo Stad uitspreid.

Dat 13 Augustus, 1959 was mijn 33ste verjaardag. Ik was in mijn eerste, fysisch en geestelijk sterk.

Het was een belangrijke revolutionaire overwinning, maar tezelfdertijd een signaal over The Times die en een droevige gift zou komen uit Rafaël Leonidas Trujillo op mijn verjaardag. Twintig maanden later zouden wij in Giron vechten; er zou geweld en bloedvergieten in Escambray, door de overzeese kust, in steden en helemaal over het land zijn. Het was counterrevolution die door de Verenigde Staten wordt georganiseerd.

In dat land zouden zij Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez en Luis del Pozo Jimenez, als mercenaries in de dienst van een vijandelijke macht uitgevoerd hebben. De revolutionaire Hof veroordeelden hen aan gevangenis, en zij werden niet mishandeld. Wat was het definitieve lot van Martin Perez? Hij migreerde aan de Verenigde Staten, juridisch, en hij is vandaag een standaarddrager van Cubaanse Amerikaanse terroristenMafia die Republikeinse kandidaat McCain steunt.

Een voorname Canadese journalist en een onderzoeker, Jean-Kerel Allard, beschrijven als volgt het terroristenleven van Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez:

„… in feite, sinds vroeg in zijn leven, Macho `' (zijn bijnaam) Martin Perez werd lid van de politie Batista en, voor zijn speciale verdiensten, namelijk zijn afstraffing van de gevangenen in de laatste maanden van het bloedige regime, verdiende hij de rang van Sergeant.

„Allebei, de vader en de zoon waren zo dicht bij Batista dat, op 1 Januari, 1959, in plaats van het weglopen aan Miami, zij de dictator aan zijn heiligdom in de Dominicaanse Republiek volgden.

„… bevrijd op 29 Mei, 1987… in 1989 sloot aan hij zich bij de Cubaanse Amerikaanse Nationale Stichting (CANF) die door de CIA onder Ronald Reagan wordt gevestigd.

„Hij zou zeer spoedig de paramilitary commissie leiden die door deze organisatie wordt gecre�ërd die de financiering, onder anderen verzekert, van terroristengroep Alpha- 66 en andere extremistische groepen die tegen Cuba handelen.

„… Nam Martin Perez Rodriguez aan de regeling van een reeks ontbroken pogingen op het leven deel de President van Cuba tijdens diverse Amerikaanse Toppen Ibero.

„In 1994, ter gelegenheid van de opkomst van Fidel aan de 4de Top, in Cartagena DE Indias, Colombia… kocht hij een 50 mmBarret kanon en explosieven dat werden overgebracht naar Colombia van Miami… door vliegtuig!

„… bracht hij met Jimenez Escobedo en Eugenio LLameras in kaart met het oog op de 5de Amerikaanse Top Ibero in 1995. Dat jaar, deed herleven hij het zelfde plan voor de Niet gebonden Top van de Beweging, ook in Cartagena DE Indias, Colombia.

„In 1997, in Margarita Island, Venezuela, ter gelegenheid van de 7de Amerikaanse Top Ibero van Regeringshoofden Sate en, Posada zette een andere samenzwering met directe steun van Martin Perez Rodriguez op en andere leiders van CANF…“

„… ondertekende hij de Verklaring van steun voor terrorisme tegen Cuba dat door de Stichting op 11 Augustus… Roberto Martin Perez wordt gepubliceerd, zijn Feliciano Foyo en Horacio Garcia enkele mensen Posada die openbaar als financiers `' van zijn terroristenacties wordt genoemd tijdens zijn gesprek met de New York Times in 1997.

„… sponsorde hij in Miami een tentoonstelling van schilderijen door [Bosch en Posada van Orlando] [Carriles], de twee genieën van de sabotage tegen het Cubaanse burgerlijke vliegtuig, in 1976, waar 73 mensen werden gedood.

„In 1998, voerde de grote verdediger van de politieke gevangene `' één van zijn vuilste akten uit: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)

ال صحّ قصة والتحدي من الصحفيات كونيّة
Automatically translated into Arabic thanks to WorldLingo
إنعكاسات فيديل:



سبعة أيام [أغو] كتب أنا حوالي واحدة من الرجال عظيمة في تاريخ: السلفادور [ألّند], رجل العالم يتذكّر مع عميقة عاطفة وإحترام على ه أولى مئويّة. مهما, [قويفرد] لا أحد [أر فن] تذكّر التاريخ أكتوبر - تشرين الأوّل 24, 1891, عندما الطاغ دومينيكانيّة [رفل] [ليونيدس] [تروجيلّو] كان [بورن], ثمانية عشر سنون قبل نا يعجب أخ شيليّة.

عانى كلا بلاد, واحدة في [كريبّن] والأخرى في الجنوب متطرّفة [لتين مريك], النتيجات من الخطر أنّ [جوس] [مرتي] توقّع وحاول أن يتفادى. بما أنّ هو أشار في ه ب احتفل حرف مولود بعد وفاة الأب إلى صديقته مكسيكيّة الذي كان قد تنازع مع خواريز, --وهذا فكرة [إي] أبدا إطار العجلة من يكرّر: "الآن, أنا يوميّة في خطر من يعطي حياتي… إلى في الوقت المناسب يمنع مع الاستقلال كوبا أنّ الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة يمدّد على أنتيل وأنّ, مع أنّ قوة إضافيّة, هم يمكن أتيت ضدّ أراضينا أمريكيّة. كلّ شيء أنا قد أتمّت حتّى اليوم, وكلّ شيء أنا سأتمّ, يكون ل أنّ غرض. "

كان ثورتنا منتصرة صديقة [ألّند], [أت ث سم تيم] هو كره [تروجيلّو]. هذا كان [أونكوث] [بينوشت] ينجب بالولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة في [كريبّن]. كان الطاغ قد كان النتيجة من واحدة من [ينكيس]' تدخلات عسكريّة في الجزيرة أنّ بلاد يشارك مع هايتي, بلاد أيّ كان المستعمرة أولى إسبانيّة.

الأمريكيّة قوّة بحريّة كان ماشية قد غزا أنّ أخت جمهورية أن يؤمّن ه بلد اقتصاديّة وفوائد استراتيجيّة. [أف كورس], [ب] هناك لم يتساوى [بلتّ] تعديل هناك أن يغطّي فوق العمل مع جائز غطاء غلاف الأرض.

في 1918, جنّد هم, بين أخرى, المغامرة و [دومينيكن] طموحة أهليّ طبيعيّ, الإبنة من تاجر صغيرة, الذي كان بعد ذلك درّبت واعترفت, ك 27 سنة - قديمة, إلى الجيش وطنيّة. في 1921, ذهب هو فوق إلى آخر [ترينينغ كورس] مع ال [ميليتري كدمي] يؤسّس بالبلد محتلات. عقب أنهى هو هناك, هو كان عيّنت وحدة رئيس وروّجت إلى الرتبة النقيب للخدمات يدفع إلى التدخّليّ قوات, رغم أنّ هو [ب] لم سابقا ملازم أوّل.

في النهاية من [ينك] احتلال في 1924, كان [تروجيلّو] يتأهّب أن يتصرّف كجهاز من الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة في موقعات عال في الجيش, أيّ هو استعمل أن يعالج ال [كوب د'تت] كلاسيكيّة والنموذجيّة "إنتخابات ديموقراطيّة" يقوده إلى الرئاسة من الجمهورية في 1930. صادف البداية من عبارته مع السنون من الالأزمة الاقتصاديّة الكبرى أنّ ضرب ال [أوس] اقتصاد هكذا على نحو رديء.

قيّد كوبا, البلد أكثر تابعة وبالاتّفاقيّة تجاريّة, يوقف أن يعاني النتيجات قاسية أكثر من أنّ أزمة. [أن ث ون هند], ال أعطىهم قاعدة بحريّة وال يهين و [أونورّنتد] لتعديل حقوق دستوريّة أن يتدخّل في أمتنا وأن يمزّق إلى قطعات هو تاريخ مجيدة.

وجّهت في ال [نيغبورينغ كونتري], مع بعض حالة اعتماد اقتصاديّة, الداهية و [تروجيلّو] طموحة عالج بشكل نزويّ الخاصية من ال [ميدّل كلسّ] دومينيكانيّة والحكم أقلّيّة. أصبح ال [سوغر ميلّ] كبريات وكثير أخرى [برنش وف يندوستري] خاصيته خاصّة. أنّ لم يضأيق مذهب إلى مخصص خاصّة الرأسمالية مفاهيم من الإمبراطورية. ادّعى كثير إشارات نيونيّ في كلّ مكان "إلهة و [تروجيلّو]." كثير عيّنت مدائن, جادّات, طرق وبنايات كان بعد ه أو قريباته. ال نفسه سنة أصبح هو رئيس, إعصار يضرب بشدّة على [سنتو] دومينغو, البلد رأس مال. عقب استردّ المدينة من الإتلافات, هو عيّن هو [تروجيلّو] مدينة. تلقّى أبدا قبل العالم يعرف هذا شخصية مذهب.

في السنة 1937, وفى هو على طول الحافة مذبحة ضخمة من عاملات هايتيّة. هذا كان ه احتياطي [لبور فورس] في زراعة وبناء.

هو كان ثابتة [أوس] حليف. هو كان تضمّنت في البداية من على حدّ سواء الالأمم المتّحدة وال [وأس] في 1948. في ديسمبر - كانون الأوّل 15, 1952, سافر هو إلى واشنطن في ه أخرى قدرة كسفيرة مفوّضة إلى ال [أرغنيزأيشن وف] [أمريكن ستت] وبقي في أنّ بلد لثلاثة ونصف شهور. في يوليو-تمّوز 2, 1954, سافر هو إلى إسبانيا [أن بوأرد] سفينة عبر الأطلسي أيّ أخذه إلى فيغو. رحّبه [فرنك], الذي كان سابقا حليف من الإمبراطورية, في مدريد محطة شماليّة يرافق بكلّ أعضاء من ال [كرب.] ديبلوماسيّة.

[دت بك] علاقتي مع ال [دومينيكن ربوبليك] إلى أيامي في الجامعة. شرّفت أنا تلقّى يكون مع تعيين إلى رئيس من اللجنة لديموقراطيّة دومينيكانيّة. هو لم يصوّت كموقعة مهمّة جدّا, غير أنّ بما أنّ أنا كنت نوع من متمرّدة, أخذ أنا هو بجدّيّة. تحت الوقت أن يتمّ شيء فجأة. الدومينيكانيّة ينفى يعزّز في كوبا الخلق من قوة حمليّة. أنا جنّدت مع هو عندما أتمّ أنا تلقّى لم بعد طالب جامعيّ في السنت الثّانيةي. أنا كنت 21 [ير ولد].

أنا قد قلت القصة من قبل من ماذا حدث بعد ذلك. بعد ال يثبّط [كو] [كنفيتس] بعد, [ب] أنا لم بين ال على ألف سجينات يؤخذ إلى كولومبيا مخيم عسكريّة, حيث [جون] [بوسكه] ذهب على حالة جوع إضراب. سجنت هذا رجال تلقّى يكون بالرأس من الجيش في كوبا, جنرال بيريز [دمرس], الذي كان قد استلم مال من [تروجيلّو] أن يعترض البعث. أتمّ الجنرال هذا عندما الحمليّة كان [كلوس تو] الريح ممر.

كونيّة قوّة بحريّة أمرنا حرّاقة, يهدف مع ه إنحناء مدافع في زورقنا رئيسيّة, أن يرجع وأن يدخل في [أنتيلّا] مينة. أنا بعد ذلك أيقفز داخل الماء من [نيب] نباح مع ثلاثة أخرى حمليّة. نحن كنّا أربعة يسلّح رجال.

أنا كنت قد التقيت [جون] [بوسكه], زعيمة بارزة دومينيكانيّة, في [كو] [كنفيتس], حيث نحن درّبنا, وتحدّث نحن طويلا. هو [ب] لم الرئيس من البعد غير أنّ كان هو بالتّأكيد الشخصية معتبرة أكثر بين الدومينيكانيّات, [إفن يف] هو كان تجاهلت ب بعض من الزعيمات رئيسيّة من أنّ حركة وبالزعيم جماعة كوبيّ الذي تلقّى بالأحرى مهمّة وعلاقات جيّدة بمقابل رسميّة. أنا كنت بعد ذلك جدّا [فر فروم] حتّى يتخيّل هذا أنّ يكتب أنا اليوم!

إحدى عشرة سنون فيما بعد, عندما كان معركتنا على السلسلة جبال [مسترا] أجبال حوالي أن بنجاح استنتجت, [تروجيلّو] منح اعتماد إلى [بتيستا] أن يشتري أسلحة و [أمّونيأيشنس], أيّ كان أحضرت بطائرة في الفصل ثاني من 1958. هو أيضا [فولونتير] إلى منقولة ثلاثة ألف قوات دومينيكانيّة, وفيما بعد آخر قوة أنّ هبط في [أرينت].

[بتيستا] هزمت إستبداد كان على يناير - كانون الثّاني [1ست], 1959, شكور إلى ال يستعصي ضرب يعالج بالجيش متمرّدة والإضراب ثوريّة عامّة. أتى الدولة قمعيّة يفتّت نزولا إلى كلّ طوال الجزيرة و [بتيستا] يسارا ل ال [دومينيكن ربوبليك]. هو سافر هناك في الشركة من أخرى رموز شرّيرة من أنّ نظامة مثل السفاحة معروفة [لوتغردو] مارتن بيريز, ه 25 سنة - إبنة قديمة [روبرتو] مارتن بيريز [رودريغز], ومجموعة من الرؤساء علويّة عسكريّة من ه يهزم جيش.

[تروجيلّو] قدّم [بتيستا] ترحيب دافئة ولاءمه في [أفّيسل رسدنس] لضيفة متميّزة, رغم أنّ هو فيما بعد أرسله إلى فندق مترفة. هو كان تعلّقت على المثال من الثورة كوكيّة, لذلك, عدّ هو على الرؤساء علويّة من [بتيستا] جيش سابقة والدعم مرجّحة من ال [تن] الآلاف من أعضاء من الثلاثة جيش فروع والشرطة, أن ينظّم ثورة مضادّة وساندت هو مع الفيلق [كريبّن], أيّ أمكن يتلقّى يتلقّى حوالي 25 ألف جنديات من الجيش دومينيكانيّة.

ال [أوس] إدارة, يكون مدركة من هذا خطط, يرسل وكالة المخابرات الأمريكيّة ضابطة إلى [سنتو] دومينغو أن يتحدّث مع [تروجيلّو] وقدّمت خططه ضدّ كوبا. بغمرة فبراير - شباط 1959, التقى هذا رجل مع جون [أبّس] [غرسا], رأس من الدومينيكانيّة ذكاء خدمات إلى الّذي هو أوصى أن يرسل عاملات إلى مجندة عناصر عدائيّة في الرتب من الثورة منتصرة. هو لم يقل أنّ ال [أوس] تلقّى حكومة سابقا وليام إسكندر [مورغن] [رودرث], مواطنة أمريكيّة ووكالة المخابرات الأمريكيّة عاملة, الذي كان قد تسلّل الثاني جبهة في [إسكمبري], رجل هم كانوا قد روّجوا إلى الرتبة القائدة والذي كان واحدة من الرؤساء رئيسيّة هناك.

التطوير من هذا حادثات, أيّ يجعل لقصة رائعة, يستطيع كنت أسّست في الكتب من كبريات كوبيّة ذكاء و [سكريتي وفّيسر], في الشهادات الزعيمات من وحدات عسكريّة من الجيش متمرّدة الذي كان مباشرة تضمّنت, في سيرة ذاتيّة, [أفّيسل ستتمنت] يجعل في أنّ أيام وتقارير بوطنيّة وصحفيات أجنبيّة, كلّ من من كان هو مستحيلة أن يذكر في هذا إنعكاس.

هناك آخر كتاب خلال نشر يكتب برفيقة الذي تلاقى الميليشيات عندما كان هو 17, والذي ل ه جيّدة تصرّف إداريّ وعقل حادّة كان بعد ذلك [ترنسفرّد] إلى الرئيس وزراء و [كمّندر ين شف] أمن تفصيل حيث هو درس أن يصبح مختزلة, بعد ذلك أخذ بطاقات من المحادثات وجمع الشهادة المئات المشتركات في الحادثات هو يروي. يتلقّى هذا فصل من التاريخ من ثورتنا بعد أن يكون حكيت.

بما أنّ فهمت, كان الزعيمات علويّة ثوريّة باستمرار يعلم من الأخبار حول العدوة خطط. نحن بعد ذلك تصوّرنا الفكرة من يعالج [ينك], [بتيستا] و [تروجيلّو] ثورة مضادّة يستعصي ضرب.

عندما كان الأسلحة يرسل ببحث من فلوريدا أن يوفي الأعمال أولى والرؤساء ومراسيم كلّ تحت تحكم صارمة, نحن تظاهرنا ثورة مضادّة ناجحة في الجبليّة [إسكمبري] منطقة, وفي ترينيداد, أيّ تلقّى مهبط. نحن بعد ذلك باشرنا أن يعزل البلديّة من أنّ صغيرة ومدينة ودّيّة حيث عمل ثوريّة سياسيّة كان شدّدت.

[تروجيلّو] كان يشبع من حماسة. صاح شركة من جندياتنا يقنع كقرويات في المهبط: "[تروجيلّو] طويلة حيّة! إلى أسفل مع فيديل! "أيّ كان أفدت إلى مقرّ رئيسيّ في ال [دومينيكن ربوبليك]. هم كانوا قد سقطوا كثير ال [أمّونيأيشنس] من طائرات. تجلّى كلّ شيء كان وفقا ل خطة.

في أغسطس - آب [13ث], أتى طائرة داخل مع مبعوثة خاصّة من [تروجيلّو]. هو كان [لويس] [دل] [بوزو] [جيمنز], الإبنة من سابقة محافظة و [بتيستا] تابعة في الرأس مال ورقم بارزة مع النظامة. هو أشار على خريطة الموقعات أنّ كنت قصفت ب ال [أير فورس] دومينيكانيّة واستعلم عن حول الرقم ال [لجونّير] ضروريّة في ال [فيرست ستج].

أتى آخر مبعوثة بارزة مع ه. هو كان [روبرتو] مارتن بيريز [رودريغز] الذي, بما أنّ نحن يتلقّى سابقا نشير, كان قد سافر مع ه أب و [بتيستا] بما أنّ هم هربوا إلى ال [دومينيكن ربوبليك] أنّ يناير - كانون الثّاني [1ست]. هو كان رافقت ب عدّة مرتزقة زعيمات الذي بقي وراء. الطائرة اضطرّ ذهبت إلى الخلف. كان طاقم بحّارته ال نفس أنّ كان قد حمل [بتيستا] عندما هو ركض بعيدا.

أنا كنت في القرب من المهبط مع [كميلو] [سنفوغس] وأخرى رؤساء عسكريّة. كان الرأس من المستخدمة كوبيّ عسكريّة الذي اضطرّ فرّغت الأسلحة و [كمّونيكأيشن قويبمنت] قد فهم أنّ هم سوفت أوقفت الطائرة طاقم بحّارة. [أت ثيس بوينت], حقّق طيّار مساعد أنّ شيء كان طلقة خردق خاطئة على هم و[شووتووت] نتج. [تروجيلّو] أوقفت [إنفوس] والأخرى مرتزقة رؤساء كان بعد ذلك. هناك كان إصابات.

أنّ نفسه ليلة زار أنا المجروحة من كلا جوانب. نحن استطاع لم يذهب إلى الأمام مع الخطة. فوق [أونتيل ثن], كان اتّصالات بين [تروجيلّو] والثورة مضادّة في [إسكمبري] قد تمّوا من خلال موجة قصيرة. [تروجيلّوس] رسميّة لاسلكيّة محطة إذاعة تقارير منتصرة عسكريّة مماثلة إلى أنّ نحن سمعنا من لاسلكيّة تم وميامي في الأيام [جرون]. نحن أبدا استعملنا كوبا محطات عامّة أن ينشر [أفّيسل ربورت] زائفة.

هو كان يمكن أن يستمرّ مع اللعبة [إفن فتر] على قبض الطائرة تلقّى يكون و [لويس] [دل] [بوزو] [جيمنز] و [روبرتو] مارتن بيريز [رودريغز] كان أوقفت. نحن استطاع يتلقّى لفّقت ميكانيكيّة إخفاق من الطائرة أنّ سوفت يتلقّى رجعت هناك, غير أنّ أنّ ضلّل وأربك الناسنا, أيّ كان [بي ثن] يقلق على الأخبار حول النصرة مزعومة [كونترّفولوأيشنري] في [إسكمبري] علنا ينشرون من [تروجيلّو] مدينة.

أنّ كان أغسطس - آب 13, 1959 ي [33رد] عيد ميلاد. أنا كنت في نخبتي, طبيعيّا و [منتلّي] قوّيّة.

هو كان نصرة كبريات ثوريّة, غير أنّ [أت ث سم تيم] إشارة حول الأوقات أنّ أتى وهبة حزينة من [رفل] [ليونيدس] [تروجيلّو] على ذكرىي. عشرون شهور فيما بعد تنازع نحن كنت في [جرون]; هناك كان عنف ومذبح في [إسكمبري], بالبحث شاطئ, في مدائن و [ألّ وفر] البلد. هو كان الثورة مضادّة ينظّم بالولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة.

في أنّ بلد نفّذ هم [روبرتو] مارتن بيريز [رودريغز] و [لويس] [دل] [بوزو] [جيمنز], بما أنّ مرتزقات في الخدمة من قوة عدوّ. حكمهم المحاكم ثوريّة إلى سجن, وهم كان لم يسيءوا. ماذا كان المصير نهائيّة مارتن بيريز? هو هاجر إلى الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة, قانونيّا, وهو اليوم حامل معياريّة من الكوبيّة أمريكيّة إرهابية المافيا أيّ يساند مرشح جمهوريّة [مكّين].

متميّزة كنديّة يصف صحفية وباحثة, [جن-غي] [ألّرد], الإرهابية حياة [روبرتو] مارتن بيريز [رودريغز] [أس فولّووس]:

تلاقى "… [إين فكت], منذ باكرا داخل حياته, `ذكوريّ' (لقبه) مارتن بيريز [بتيستا] شرطة و, لإستحقاقاته خاصّة, [ثت يس,] ضربه من السجينات في الشهور متأخّرة من النظامة دام, هو كسب الرتبة الرقيب.

"كان كلا, الأب وإبنة هكذا [كلوس تو] [بتيستا] أنّ, في يناير - كانون الثّاني [1ست], 1959, [إينستد وف] يركض بعيدا إلى ميامي, هم تبعوا الدكتاتورة إلى ملجأه في ال [دومينيكن ربوبليك].

"… يطلق في شهر ماي 29, 1987… في 1989 تلاقى هو الأساس كونيّة أمريكيّة وطنيّة ([كنف]) يؤسّس بالوكالة المخابرات الأمريكيّة تحت [رونلد] ريغان.

"قاد هو جدّا قريبا كنت اللجنة شبه عسكريّ يخلق ب هذا تنظيم أيّ يضمن التمويل, بين أخرى, من الإرهابية مجموعة ألفا 66 وأخرى يتطرّف مجموعة يتصرّف ضدّ كوبا.

"… ساهم مارتن بيريز [رودريغز] في الترتيب من [سري] من [فيلد] محاولات على الحياة الرئيس كوبا أثناء مختلفة [إيبرو] أمريكية قمة.

"في 1994, بمناسبة فيديل حضور إلى ال [4ث] قمة, في قرطاجة [د] [إينديس], كولومبيا… اشترى هو 50 [مّ] [برّت] مسدّس مدفع ومتفجّرات أيّ كان [ترنسفرّد] إلى كولومبيا من ميامي… بطائرة!

"… خطّط هو مع [جيمنز] [إسكبدو] و [إيوجنيو] [لّمرس] بصدد ال [5ث] [إيبرو] قمة أمريكيّة في 1995. أنّ سنة, أنعش هو ال نفسه خطة ل ال غير يحاذى حركة قمة, أيضا في قرطاجة [د] [إينديس], كولومبيا.

أشبعت "في 1997, في [مرغريتا] جزيرة, فنزويلا, بمناسبة ال [7ث] [إيبرو] قمة أمريكيّة رؤوس من وحكومة, [بوسدا] علا آخر تآمر مع دعم مباشرة من مارتن بيريز [رودريغز] وأخرى زعيمات ال [كنف]…"

"… هو وقع الإعلان الدعم لإرهاب ضدّ كوبا ينشر بالأساس في أغسطس - آب [11ث]… [روبرتو] مارتن بيريز, [فليسنو] [فوو] و [هورسو] [غرسا] بعض من الالناس [بوسدا] علنا يعيّن ك ال `خبير ماليّ' من ه إرهابية أعمال أثناء مقابلته مع نيويورك أوقات في 1997.

"… كفل هو في ميامي معرض الصورة زيتيّة ب [[أرلندو]] [بوسكه] و [بوسدا] [[كرّيلس]], الاثنان مخططات من التخريب ضدّ الطائرة كوبيّ مدنيّة, في 1976, حيث 73 الناس كان قتلت.

"في 1998, وفى المحامية عظيمة من ال `سجينة سياسيّة' واحدة من وثيقه وسخة: with other Miami Mafia ringleaders…he led the new FBI chief, the very corruptible Hector Pesquera, to the arrest of five Cubans who had infiltrated the ranks of the terrorist organizations.

"…his unfailing friendship with Guillermo Novo Sampol, the murderer of Chilean leader Orlando Letelier is well known…

"The Republican candidate should know that his 73-year-old protégé was the first to assert that on the day of his longed for victory over the Cuban Revolution he would drive a bulldozer from the Cabo San Antonio to the Punta de Maisi crushing the island population guilty of any links with the Revolution.

"…on another occasion, asked about the risk of killing innocents in an attempt on Cuban leaders he said that he didn’t care if ‘the Pope died’."

The historical truth tells us that John McCain’s father commandeered the amphibious attack, the invasion and occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965 against the nationalist forces led by Francisco Caamaño, another great hero of that nation whom I knew very well and who always had confidence in Cuba.

I dedicate this Reflection on historical events to our dear journalists, since it coincides with the 8th Congress of the Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC, by its Spanish acronym), whom I consider like family. How I would have liked to study the techniques of their trade!

The UPEC has been very generous in publishing a book under the title Fidel, the journalist, which will be presented tomorrow afternoon. They sent me a copy with several articles published in clandestine or legal newspapers over five decades ago, with a prologue by Guillermo Cabrera Alvarez and the selection, introduction and notes by Ana Nuñez Machin.

I gave Guillermo Cabrera the nickname of "the genius" since I first met him. It was the impression I received from that great man who unfortunately passed away last year. He had had a heart surgery some time ago at the prestigious Cardiovascular Center established by our Revolution in Santa Clara City.

I reread some of the articles published in Alerta, Bohemia and La Calle, and I relived those years.

I wrote those articles when I felt the need to convey certain ideas. I did it out of pure revolutionary instinct. I always applied the principle that words should be simple and the concepts understandable to the masses. Today I have more experience, but I’m not as strong; it’s harder for me to do it. Our people’s educational level is higher with the Revolution, thus the task is more difficult.

From the revolutionary point of view, discrepancies are not important; it is the honesty of the opinion that counts. And, it is from the contradictions that the truth will emerge. Perhaps, it would be worthwhile some other time to make an effort to make some observations on this issue.

Yesterday, an important event took place, which will be an issue the following days. This is the release of Ingrid Betancourt and a group of people held by the FARC, that is, the Revolutionary Armed Forces from Colombia.

On January 10th this year, our ambassador to Venezuela, German Sanchez, following a request of the Venezuelan and Colombian governments, took part in the release of Clara Rojas to the International Red Cross. She had been a candidate to vice President of Colombia when Ingrid Betancourt was running for President and was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. Consuelo Gonzalez, a member of the House of Representatives, kidnapped on September 10, 2001, was released with her.

An era of peace was opening for Colombia. This is a process Cuba has been supporting for over two decades, as it is most convenient for the unity and peace of the peoples of our America, using new ways in the special and complex circumstances prevailing after the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s --which I wont try to analyze here-- very different from those existing in Cuba, Nicaragua and other countries in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of the 20th century.

The bombing of a camp in Ecuadorian soil in the early hours of March 1st, --while Colombian guerrillas and young visitors from different nationalities were sleeping-- using Yankee technology; the occupation of the territory, the coup de grace on the wounded and the kidnapping of corpses as part of the terrorist plan from the United States government was repudiated the world over.

A Rio Group meeting was then held in the Dominican Republic on March 7th. There the events were strongly condemned while the US administration applauded.

Manuel Marulanda, a peasant and communist militant, the main leader of that guerrilla founded almost half a century ago was still alive. He passed away on the 26th of that same month.

Ingrid Betancourt, feeble and sick, as well as other captives with a serious health condition could hardly resist any longer.

Out of a basically humanist sentiment, we rejoiced at the news that Ingrid Betancourt, three American citizens and other captives had been released. The civilians should have never been kidnapped neither should the militaries have been kept prisoners in the conditions of the jungle. These were objectively cruel actions. No revolutionary purpose could justify it. The time will come when the subjective factors should be analyzed in depth.

We won our revolutionary war in Cuba by immediately releasing every prisoner absolutely unconditionally. The soldiers and officers captured in battle were released to the International Red Cross; we only kept their weapons. No soldier will ever surrender if he thinks he will be killed or subjected to cruel treatment.

We are watching with concern how the imperialists try to capitalize on what happened in Colombia in order to hide and justify their heinous crimes of genocide against other peoples. They want to deflect international attention from their interventionist plans in Venezuela and Bolivia and from the presence of the 4th Fleet in support of the political line that intends to obliterate the independence of the countries located south of the United States while taking possession of their natural resources.

These should be illustrative examples for all of our journalists. In our times, truth is navigating rough seas, where the mass media are in the hands of those threatening human survival with their immense economic, technologic and military resources. That’s the challenge faced by the Cuban journalists!



Fidel Castro Ruz

July 3, 2008

4:26 p.m.

(Translated by ESTI)